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ME GLADSTONE AND THE PRESS GANG.

The veteran English Premier at the ege of seventy si* has once more accepted the cares of offi ie. He would have been quite jueiifiel if, at bis time, of life, he baa declined further responsibility, and left |ko younger men-.with-a-largar snare of physical vigor, the task "of facing the diffi culties of the situation, Bnt as he did his best at the generflPelection by using his oratorical power to turn the Conservatives out of office he probably feels some obligation to lead his party again in Parliament. He seems to be also reasonably ambitions of adding one more laurel to his crown, by satisfying the Irish party without breaking up the Empire. He seems to have per- * snaded himself that this n possible, ana he is tiying to bring his followers round to his own view of the case. He his never said a word to intimate ■ that he ; thinks the 1 rish demand a wise .one, ,pr a reasonable one, or that it-wbnld4»lgood either for England or Ireland. Bathe take* a particular view of the situation, and sees that it is impossible- , to. continue ..en present lines. Mr Parnell commands the votes of eighty-five members,'■somA'iff'Hieflr admittedly not very good material as legislators. But they are nqt required to.speak, or to think, only to vote straight - r and their obedience is guaranteed by the fact that most of them are paid out of a fund collected in America and Australia. Mr Parnell, who is a eoolbeaded, determined man,'makes'no secret of h>s intention to block Ml business in the Honse Of Commons unless he gets an hide pendent Parliament for Ireland, That being the case,'Mr Gladstone recognises that Government in England is rendered impossible. He has had experience of Irish obstruction before when the votes were not so msny, nor under such striet discipline, and he admit* that the Irish have conquered at the poles what they have failed by insurrections, assassinations, and boycotting. 1 But the question is. How is Irish independence to be reconciled with the unity of the umpire ? And the practical answer to be given to this question is particularly interesting tons as colonists, because for the last year or two Irish leaders have professed to look To the colonial empire a* the pattern which .they, wish, to follow. They hage never been-Vtiy specific as to what they ineapt by, Hqra? Rule, bnt.a few years ago thcyratiioe inclined to take-the United States lot tfeefc nsixW, and tn wiake treUdd

a Sta'e in a Fail era! Union. But to carry out this scheme it would have Mean necessary to alter the Constitution, not oily of Ireland, hut of the whole Unite ! Kingdom, an I to hj ive made. Scotland a State, and Wale* a State, an * England a St it-*, or perhaps two or three States. This scheme had the ohvinua disadvantage of a-kiug twenty millions of people, who did not want a change, to make one to please live millions. This difficulty is got over by taking the Colotid Empire as a pattern instead of ths United States, When Mr Redmond was ont here he said “we want to be just as you sr-*,” thit is to take Ireland out of the United Kingdom and make it a part of the Colonial Empire, and give it as nearly ns possible the same stains as New South Wales hj is. As a matter of fact, Ireland has never been a colony any more thin Scotland or Wales—any moie than Northumbria or Wessex. But though Ireland never has been a colony, the nationalist leaders now ask that it may be made one, and that, Ike New Sooth Wales, it may have no obligation to pay towards the English National debt; may frame its own tariff, and have it* own local army and navy. Of course, practical men do not look at the theory of this argument, hut ask what will he the consequence, and there can he no doubt whatever that it will place the whole government of Ireland in the hands of the lri»h and Cathobc party, and pnr the Protestant minority of English and Scottish descent at the mercy of their inveterate foes. In other words, it is a complete transfer of the governing power from conquering Ensdand to conquered Ireland. Tha Liberals in England, who desire to play fair t> all parties, an I if po-sible to see Ireland cnntantel, are just now »gitated by two questions—would ihe S'hjmo lie fair to the loyal minority, whim we are bound to protect, an I would it lead to peace in Ireland or to eomeihing like a civil war? Mr (Gladstone seems to think that s mething like substantial guarantees could he secured for the protection of landlords and ihe loyal minoiiiy generally, and it is quite probable that Air Parnell might be willing to make honest p'Omises and to use his infltenO! in that direction, hut how there are to he substantial guarantees, and how such guarantees cm he enforced against an independent Parliament his not yet been indicated.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DUNST18860226.2.11

Bibliographic details

Dunstan Times, Issue 1252, 26 February 1886, Page 3

Word Count
849

ME GLADSTONE AND THE PRESS GANG. Dunstan Times, Issue 1252, 26 February 1886, Page 3

ME GLADSTONE AND THE PRESS GANG. Dunstan Times, Issue 1252, 26 February 1886, Page 3

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