MR F. SUTTON, M.H.R., AT HASTINGS.

Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3931, 25 February 1884, Page 2

MR F. SUTTON, M.H.R., AT HASTINGS.

Mr F. Sutton, the member for Hawke's Bay, addressed a large number of tho electors in the Town Hall, Hastings, on Saturday evening. On the motion of Mr Sutton Mr Wellwood was called to fcl/ia chair. Tho Chairman, after a few remarks, called on Mc Sutton.

y Mr Sutton, on rising, was well received, r He said he had on that occasion departed 0 from the course which ho had thought it h his duty to follow for the last four-or five [1 years. He had always called tho electors li tog-ether after the close of Parliament for 1 tho purpose of explaining his action during s tho session. He had deferred doing l so on yr the present occasion for a few months. The 1 busy season was on when the House was i over, and persons in tho country had very 1 little time in busy seasons to attend political s meetings, and there was but little to talk f about, in fact he had been waiting for some--3 thing to turn up. The time had arrived to ask , them to meet him, and ho would address 3 them on some of the leading questions of tho day. He did not intend to go over the well beaten track of what they did last session, and why they did it. ; He thought 1 in all probability it would be more satis--1 factory to them and more satisfactory to himself, if he discussed tho present position - of tho politics of the colony. Ho should , also tell them where he thought the electors [ of the colony were off the track, and wljtsro he thought a great improvement might be made. He intended to speak • plainly, > honestly, and distinctly, and he hoped they ; would understand that the remarks were made with the feeling that it was absolutely necessary he should give utterance to them. He would tell them where tho. present ministry were off the track, ■ And where some alterations should be made, by those'gentlemen or by. gentlemen who in all probability! within, the next twelve months would be asked to, take their places. Last ."Mission they had. a very peculiar state of affairs indeed, and.he stood thore possibly so far the only public man in New Zealand who had tho courage to say it. The state of matters they found now they, had to thank the system of triennial Parliaments for. Triennial Parliaments had broken down. ("No, no.")! There was no good government under trie system. In the firt-t session the electors of.) the colony returned more than one-third of the House, new men, new to the forms arid:the work of the House, and he thought it was no discredit to those gentlemen when-he said they were in the hands of those who • could pull tho strings. It took time to make those gentlemen masters of the situation. -Towards the end of the session of 1882 they., were as efficient as those who < preceded, them, but now members wero of very little use for a month at all events. Last session the Government of the day were nominally in a large majority; . the ; Opposition was totally disorganised, some following one "leader . and some another, and when the time came 'to. ..-challenge the- Government nothing like a definite plan was put beforo the House. He had alway looked upon it that : a properly led Opposition was as necessary, for;tho country as a Government itself. It was the duty of the loaders of the Opposition to submit their policy in opposition to the policy of those on tho Treasury benches, and it was the duty of those who followed them to voto for tho policy put forward by their leaders. He was bound to say that, never since his accession to Parliament, had there been a more usoless sessien than, last one, caustd by tho disorganisation of both parties. Ho was not defending the Government party. That party were nominally able to command'a majority of eight or ten on every ypte that affected the Ministry. He could .

tell them the Government party was disunited, the Auckland clique working one point, Canterbury clique working another point, and the Otago clique working a third point, and the Government playing off one against the other. Ho thought the position was, that the first session of tho new Parliament —the session of 1882—was half wasted. The session of 1883 was very much wasted owing to the disorganisation which existed in both sides of the Houso, and so far. as he could see into futurity they would have another session equally worthless, if not more so, than the two sessions which proceeded it. Owing to triennial Parliaments the Government knew full well that there must be an appeal to the people, no matter what the Houso would do, no matter what bills would pass. Let them for a moment suppose, which he did not at nil say, that the Ministry was unpopular in the country ; thoy still had the power under any circumstances, in the present state of things, to advise the Governor to grant them a dissolution in case of a defeat, and so far as he could understand political principle it was almost certain that should there be an adverse vote at the beginning of tho session there would be a dissolutian, which might result, and he hoped it would result, in the return to the new Parliament of a party which would be able to govern the country on fixed principles. He, however, still maintained that the effect of triennial Parliaments being in existence showed that they should always have one barren session. tub state of affairs. He thought the public affairs of the colony had arrived at a stage when it was absolutely necessary for those who were cautious business men to have a look around—let them take stock of what had been going on for the last ten or fifteen years, let them look at tho expenditure that had been going on in all the Ministries since tho inauguration ("of the Continuous Ministry") in 1809—the Continuous one and all others. It was absolutely time they should stop and have a look round. What did they find ? He had advocated a progressive policy, and he advocated it still in the most strenuous way. Sir Julius Vogel, a gentleman who had been much maligned, put in the bill an important clause, which would have carried out an important principle, but two years_ afterwards, in consequence of a power behind the scenes—a power behind the throne—in consequence of some other influence, that important principle was expunged. Ho referred to that portion of policy which made it incumbent on property that received advantages from tho carrying out of the public works policy to contribute, which was sound statesmanship, and it was a great pity it was ever repealed. He was told—in fact he saw it distinctly stated within the last fortnight in the public press in an article on political matters—that the policy of the Ministry was extravagance, while the police of tho country was reform —the policy of tho Ministry was spending money here and there and neglecting their wants, while what the conntry -wanted and demanded was a reform of tho Civil Service. The writer of that article was off the track. As a public man it was his duty to say things at times which might not be quite so popular to hear as other things. He might say ho had the advantage of many of them in having access to private information and certain papers and returns, and when lie read that, article he clapped his hand on his breast and wished to God the public were demanding such reforms But to tell him that the electors of the colony, as such were calling and demanding a reduction of expenditure, to tell him that the electors were demanding a wholesale reconstruction with the intention of reducing the Civil Servants, was a little more than he could swallow. The paths of public men would be much easier did thoy but know, and could he but feel, that was the public opinion. But ho felt nothing of tho sort. He felt, and he appealed to them generally, whether the most acceptable action the Government could do would not bo to reduce the railway freights, even though it did increase the working expenses. If they were told that the Government had reduced tho rates on firewood, timber, and wool another fifteen per cent, would thoy not say they had got good Government after all ? But he should ask them to think it over candidly after the meeting was over, and make up their minds if that was not the public feeling ? It was so far as he know. THE CIVIL SERVICE. He was fully and thoroughly impressed with the great necessity there existed for reorganisation of the Civil Service, but not for the purpose of reducing salaries. He had always advocated paying a good man well, making it worth his while to do his duty, and he had never gone in for cheeseparing in reducing the wages of public servants, becauso it happeued to bo a popular cry. The Government of the day thought four or five years ago that was the proper way to make ends meet, but he rose in his place and protested against such policy and he would still do so, though he thought a great alteration must be made in that service. In the Civil Service they had eomo of the ablest men in the colony, and thoso who served the colony well should bo paid according to their ability. Supposo the Government were to issue an Order in Council dispensing with half-a-dozen or eight officers in Hawke's Bay, what would be the result? Why they would havo a leader in both papers that Mr So-and-so was a remarkably good officer, who had served his country for a number of years for a mere pittance, and it was really hard lines that he should be so served and turned adrift, and a public petition would be sent to the Govcrnmont to stop such dismissal. They wero all marvellously virtuous when it did not effect themselves ; they were all prepared to shed the last drop of their brother's blood ; they were all prepared to say they had no Civil Servants who could bo reduced, to use the pruning knife was essential, only don't touch their constituency. While that feeling was in existence, no matter what Government was in power—while the people of the colony made it impossible, it would be impossible to have any retrenchment worthy of the name m tho Civil Service, or any alteration in railway affairs, so as to make both ends meet. OUR RAILWAYS. It has been noised abroad that the Hawke's Bay railway paid. He was proud to tell them, though it did not pay, it went nearer paying than any railway in the North Island, but ho would quote figures which would surprise them. According to an official return, as reliable as any document one could get hold of, the railways of New Zealand were worked for the year 1882-3,—that was to Bay, the year ending on the 31st March, 1883—at a loss of £164,424, an absolute loss to the colony, and that was without taking into account tho depreciation in wear and tear of the lines and rolling stock. A railway which ■was in working order with new rails and new machinery, required but light repairs, but the renewals of rails and the depreciation ought to be taken into account. The railways of the North Island were an absolute loss to the colony for that year of £102,322, and the lines on the South Island ' wore a loss of £61,702 calculating the borrowed money at five per cent for their con- : gtruction. That was the loss for interest and revenue over the working expenses. Tho Hawke's Bay line was a loss to the colony of £6,411, without taking into account wear and tear of the line or the rolling stock. The Wellington lines were a • loss of £25,123, Auckland lines of £28,340, Wanganui lines of £28,693. ("What about Taranaki?") Taranaki was a loss of £10,959, and was the least loss to New Zealand of any line in the North Island except the Hawke's Bay line. Thoy need not bo surprised that ho should put before them figures which could not be other than infallible, as many of them had been under the impression that they were within a, Short time of, their railway paying, that it was paying, and that it was the best paying line in the North. It only returned £3—ls ,6d per cent on cost of construction. That was what it paid last year, though to pay, it should have to return oyer five per cent. . It only paid in one way —it paid better than other lines. ("It increases the value of property.") There were 459 miles in the North Island and 950 miles of railway in the South Island. The Napier railway of 71 ■ •' miles was a loss of £89 per mile ; tho whole 459 miles were a. loss of £323 per mile. Therefore, those who travelled on the rail- • way, those who used tho railway for thoir merchandise, were milking the fctate cow of tho North Island to that extent. In the South Island tho 911 miles were run at a loss of £67 per mile, so that the South paid better that the North. Was it not time that they stood still while thoy would take . stock of their position, and see. where they were and where they were going ? Those ;■' things should not be, and so far as he was • concerned he was prepared to sajr that the ; 'nist duty of the Government was to make the railways pay ; the second duty was to

make them meet public convenience as far as possible, but the railways should not run unless they paid. He saw no way of carrying those rules out except by a Board similar to that lately appointed iv Victoria. Victoria had found the difficulty of managing the railways # by political men, subject to political pressure, subject to pressure from politicians of different districts of the colony. Men said, unless they reduced this or that fare, they could could not expect their votes. He had seen that done three or four times within the last »ye years. He had obtained that information from those who had done so. In his opinion —and he should use his best endeavors to put it into shape—the management of their New Zealand railways should be taken out of the hands of any political power. Melbourne had appointed a _ gentleman from Home of great experience, and had agreed to pay him a salary of £3000 per year for the purpose of managing the railways of that colony. Whether their present manager was a capable man he did not know, but the time had come when tho colony must put down its foot and say those railways must bo managed as a commercial speculation, and not as a political one. CEASE BORROWING. He had not quite made up his mind that the time had come when the colony could with prudence cease borrowing. He wished the time had come. While the colony could float its loans in small quantities—a million per year—while they could do that at 4 per cent., he did not think it would be injudicious for the colony to borrow to a small extent. When the day came when he thought the country could progress, the public works could be carried on honestly and fairly, when the opening up ci the country could go on without borrowing, he should say thank God for that. He did think that the borrowing that had been going on for the last ten or fifteen years was a very serious matter, for they were paying a million and a half for interest on borrowed money. He was sorry to say there was no hope that taxation would be reduced in any way. Do what they might, no matter who held tho reins of Government, the state of public affairs demanded extra taxation. He was afraid the next two or three months would reveal that thoy might look forward to taxation being increased. It was absolutely necessary that public works policy as a policy—that loans raised by the Government, no matter who they were, should be handed over to a nonpolitical body to expend. On tho last estimates—which need not bo wondered at when thoy remembered there was a Christchurch, an Auckland, and an Otago party — they would find £65,000 for roads and bridges. He had always told them that roads and bridges were matters of local concern, and tho less the Government interfered iv that sort of thing the better. That was no new feature ; it had been in existence ever since he had been in the House, but it was growing much of late, and £398,000, or onethird of the last million loan that _ was raised, was to be spent in roads and bridges in spite of local bodies. He would not say that was purchasing votes ("yes") but it was not altogether out. of the calculation THE REVENUE. They all know there had been a considerable fall in the revenue, and though he did not speak from official figures, when the House met there would bo a deficiency of three or four hundred thousand pounds. It had been falling off in every particular, but more particularly in tho Customs revenue. He did not know if that was an evil; he would be glad if that revenue fell off in the future, for be hoped to see the time when the Government would put down their foot and say it should be diminished-very sensibly. Ho was a thorough-going advocate of direct taxation. There were several reasons for the falling off of the revenue iv the Customs, some of which were creditable to the colony. Thoy all knew there had been a wonderful growth of manufacturing industries, a large proportion of their tweeds, beer, soap, saddlery, candles, leather, grindery, and many other articles, which were subject to fifteen per cent, duty, were now being made in the colony, which showed they were getting more and more able to walk alone. There were other causes. Within the last twelve months there had been great growth in an institution which was represented by a little piece of blue ribbon. Though a moderate drinker himself, he did not and could not undervalue the great good that society had done in the past and would do in the future. He knew persons who had been benefitted by that society, and if the society did good to a small portion of the community that society should bo treated with a certain amount of respect. ADULTERATION. It was a matter of very groat regret and concern to him to see that in the last twelve months at all events, in that remarkably sober community, there was a great increase in something else than drunkenness. He referred pointedly and distinctly to the increase of lunacy. ("That is water on tho brain.") He wished he could think so. Ho would tell them what it was, it was not water on the brain, it was something else. (' '^Whiskey.'') He had no hesitation in say - ing that there was a canker at the core which the Government should have attended to years ago. It was growing and demanded tho pruning knife more than any thing he knew. From returns in the Resident Magistrate's Court at Napier he found that, although drunkenness had decreased during tho last twelve months, in| fact it had been less than any time during the last ten years, but during tho same period there had been forty-three cases of lunacy enquired into, and there had been nine violent deaths under the influence of liquor. He could tell them from his own observation and investigations they were not due to liquor at all. Of his own'knowledge he knew there were imitation brandies and imitation whiskies in the market. He had seen the invoices fromexport firms at Home. A few shillings expended on such stuff would deprive a man of his senses. The session before last he had waited on the Treasurer and told him he could show him twenty-eight quartercasks of brandy in the Queen's warehouse in Wellington that were invoiced at three shillings per gallion. That brandy was 1 afterwards sold at half-a-crown a gallon. How much brandy was there in those casks? None at all. If ever he did take a stand it was when he stonewalled the Adulteration Bill against his party. The importation of such vile stuff was a curse, and he would go so far as to say there were persons who had suffered the penalties of the law in consequence, but possibly there might be others who should have suffered. It was a crying shame, which should be put down at once. He had offered to put the Government in a way to detect anything of tho kind, but they did not accept his offer. Instead of that they subjected the hotelkeeper selling adulterated spirits to a fine of £50, but those supplying the spirits were not interfered with. He should ask the members of the Blue Ribbon organisation to join with him in stamping ont such an evil, and they would soon sec the evils of drunkenness* much diminished if people could drink what they paid for. DIRECT TAXATION. He had argued in favor of direct taxation, and if ever there was a time when direct taxation should be imposed it was now. It was the first duty of a representative to see that taxation was kept to the lowest point, that the general public were not taxed one penny more thrn was necessary and proper, with the reservation that taxation should be fair and equal all round,'and no class taxation. After mature consideration lie thought that indirect taxation should be increased without increasing the burdens of the people, so that the whole of the electors should know what the Government of the'colony cost. He had stated before lie was a thorough-going advocate of the property tax. When he first addressed them it. was an unpopular tax, and he was recommended by a gentleman in town, whose opinion he valued highly, not to support a property tax. In spite of its unpopularity it was a necessary tax, and he should again support it. The property tax realised last year £240,000 ; it was no more unpalatable than any other form of taxation that would raise that amount. The Premier of New South Wales within the last two months had brought in a property tax. (" He won't carry it.") He had earned it in the House by a majority of twelve. The time was coming when it would be in existence, not only in New Zealand, but in Victoria and N. S. Wales, and that when he next stood there. Ho was told it was a good thing to tax land, get hold of the big runholclers, those were the fellows they wanted to fleece, but he was not going to advocate- class taxation. There'were some of them'aware'that within the last fifteen months a large tract of country had been taken up to the north of Poverty Bay by men who had money, and "who had the pluck to spend their money, who were going to reclaim a wilderness, and

he should like to nsk them if it was either necessary or politic that they should put a stop to such men who 'benefitted the colony He did not think that any workable form of taxation of unimproved lands could be put upon paper. He did not see how they could by legislation tax huge tracts of unimproved lands, which they might consider should be improved. He did not agree with a land tax and an income tax. They had an income tax already. What was the property tax they were now paying but an income tav of 1/3 in the pound ? That was what the property tax came to. When the Government of tho day was prepared to take off the indirect taxation he should be prepared to give them his assistance to levy a heavier income tax. The people of New Zealand should know not only what they paid, but when they pay it, and that they could only know by direct taxation. None of them "liked taxation, but they paid on their sugar, their tobacco, their spirits, on everything of every-day life an increased price, and they said nothing about it, because it did not strike them, but if they had to pay the duty to one man and the price of the article "to another they would be discontented. TIIE OPPOSITION FADS. It was always tho place of an Opposition to raise a few fads, and there were at present before the country too many fads. | The nationalisation of the land was a fad. He should like to ask them what in the name of common sense they came to New Zealand for, if it was not for the purpose of having a piece of land of their own, of having their own freehold. The community which adopted a system of nationalisation would go back ; all the life of the country would be taken out of it, and improprieties o>: the part of the Government would follow. Suppose the whole of Hawke's Bay was in the hands of the Government, that instead of freeholders they wero Government tenants, that their leases expired six months hence, and a general election was ponding, would the arrangement not be worked" for securing the election for Government? It was absolutely necessary for the progress of the colony that people should know their title was stable and secure. He was' not in favor of that fad of the nationalisation of the land, or the fad of perpetual leasing of the land. He had opposed the latter "throughout,, and he hoped the day would never come iv New Zealand When that way of dealing with the land should find favor. In some of the larger assemblies there was another question coming- to tho front. In Auckland and Dunediu especially there were Trades and Labor Unions. He should extend the right hand of sympathy to any such union provided it attended to its legitimate duty, but lie had no hesitation in telling them whit those unions demanded was protection. Thoy demanded that the Government of the colony should import nothing. They assert that their locomotives should be made in the colony, though they would cost four times as much as to import them. Everything should bo made in the colony, for the purpose of keeping up wages in certain classes. He asked them to beware of any thing : let them have free trade pure and simple; let the general public have everything at the cheapest rate. <Loud cheers.) He was sorry to Sll3' that among tho leading members of the—what should he say?— Liberal party in the large towns that that was one of their great fads—everything to be made in the country. One of the prominent members of that party wanted the Government to give an order to a paper mill in the South Island for brown paper, though it was thirty per cent, over what the Government could import the article for. They woidd not be troubled much with a bill which hud been before the country as a stalking horse—the reform of the Legislative Council. There was no feeling of urgency in that matter. The Council in the past had given evidence of its usefulness. It might contain and did contain several gentlemen who probably would not be elected by any popular vote, men who were not of any remarkable ability, but it also contained ten or twelve of the most remarkable men of the colony, whose presence there it would be a great misfortune to lose. The scheme promulgated by SirF. Whitaker, making it a purely elective body under Hare's system, with two districts would never be heard of more. He looked forward to no interesting debate on that question, though he was bound to say the constitution of the Council was not perfect. Some alterations might bo made. The House of Lords in England was an hereditary body, and was not necessarily composed of gentlemen of ability, for some of the biggest scapegraces of the country were members. But the members of the Legislative Council were men of sufficient ability, and fit to be called by a Government of the day. There might be a term of service, during, which they could hold office, instead of for life, for there was a time of life when men became incapable of legislation. There was another bill which he did not think would be printed at all, and that was on almost the only question on which he had altered his views. He referred to the bill for the purpose of charging to lands through which a railway, passed a portion of the expense. He had always regretted that that clause was excised from Sir Julius Vogel's bill, but he saw it was impossible to do so now without unfairness. To introduce that question into the extension of their railways, where would be the fairness ot charging a large percentage —the exact proportion he had forgotten —from Makatoku to Tahoraite, when the lines that side had not paid unythit.g. The principle was fair, but the principle could not be carried out, and it should bo dropped. Under the Property Assessment Tax the valuation of the assessor next time would bo _ much higher, and let the property tax do it, but special legislation for the purpose of taxing owners of land who wore not yet in railway communication was eminently unfair, and he should not support it. (Continued on tho fourth page.)