THE GENERAL ELECTION.

Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3254, 6 December 1881, Page 2

THE GENERAL ELECTION.

MR STJTTOV AT HAVELOCK

Mr Sutton addressed a well attended meeting in the Mechanics' Institute at Havelock last evening, Mr W. A. Couper in the chair. The meeting was very orderly throughout, and the candidate met with an exceedingly favorable reception.

Mr Sutton said it was difficult, in addressing so many meetings on the same subjects, to avoid repeating himself. On the present occasion he would endeavor, as far as possible, to treat the various points differently ; and this being probably tho last occasion he should have of coming publicly forward before the vote of the electors was taken, lie would endeavor to make it a kind of summing up of the whole case. He would refer first to one private matter. In his address at Clive he had thought it right to refer to a transaction in which his friend Captain Russell had made a remarkably good bargain. He did not wish it inferred that the transaction was in any sense improper—it was not; but it was undoubtedly a good bargain. When Captain Russell addressed the electors at Clive, referring to that statement, he said it contained three falsehoods. Such a remark, to say the least, was not gentlemanly ; and he could show, from public records, that his own statement at Clive was correct, and contained no falsehoods at all. The exact facts of the case were that Captain Russell and his brother bought a block of 30,834 acres at the rate of Is lid per acre, and shortly afterwards sold 11,762 acres for £20,583, making a profit of £17,000, and leaving 19,072 acres of the original purchase. I his, he repeated, was an exceedingly good bargain—had he (Mr N.) ever made such a one he would have been a wealthier man today. Captain Bussell said he had paid 3s for the land, but a single calculation would show the amount to have been only Is lid. He had taken the particulars from the deeds, and the figures spoke for themselves. He could claim for himself that his action in the House of Representatives had been consistent, and the extracts he would read from the official report of the debates would bear him out. In July, 1877, when seconding tho reply to his Excellency's speech, he remarked that though reforence had been made to the \

agricultural and pastoral interests, nothing had been said about the general commercial interests of the colony. He thought the commercial interest, as compared with, others, was not in a satisfactory condition, and attributed this to tho undue pressure of indirect taxation. This was his opinion in 1877, two years before the introduction of a bill to tax property. On the same occasion, in reference to local government, while approving generally of the new system, he pointed out that it was necessary that some ** important alterations should be made, so that there should be no clashing between the county councils and other local bodies. The weakness of the provincial bodies had been the precariousness of their revenue. The quota of customs revenue handed over to them was first reduced and then stopped altogether. It would be necessary, he urged, that the terms of partnership between the local bodies and the General Government should be clearly understood. These were his views in 1877, as recorded in the authorised reports, and they had undergone no change. At Napier he had described his opponents in the present contest as a compact body, who would stand at nothing which might tend to his defeat. (No.) He said, yes. He had been made aware of a requisition, handed round for signature, before he had any oppoi'tunity of making bis views known, binding the electors hand and foot, to Capt. Russell. (Applause). They had not heard of any such requisitions to him • though if he had wanted them he could have had them, and numerously signed too. He would countenance nothing of the kind, believing it to be thoroughly repugnant to the principle of the ballot-box. He would like to know who circulated the report that the ballot was not secret. Was it himself or any of his supporters? There were several electors who had said they would vote for him if they dared. A gentleman who was under financial obligations to a friend of Captain Russell's, had said that on that account he could not vote for hira (Mr S.), though he much, wished to do so, but he would use all bis influence in hi* favor, and thought he could get him two o» three votes. All this was foreign to the principle of the ballot. No man had a right to ask another to vote in a particular way, or to threaten him into voting. He had been told when he went to Hastings that he was going into the enemy's camp, and that at Havelock he would find every man against him—that he would not score two figures there. Time had gone on, and had perhaps altered these views a little. When the ballot box was opened at Havelock they would find that Sutton had more than ten votes. It was his wish on all subjects } to speak plainly—not to make petty speeches with nothing in them ; and he wished no man to support him without knowing what he was doing. They would admit that he had distinctly told his opinions and his programme. His friend Captain Russell, after delivering several addresses, had left no decided impression as to what his views were. What were his opinions in the all important question of the taxation of the colony ? No one could say he was pledged to any. On education? He had been questioned at Hastings,- and had given a shuffling answer ; at Taradale he had given an answer in terms somewhat varied ; and a letter had appeared in one. of the papers. But to what did these commit him ? To nothing at all. " These are my principles, and they can be altered." He (Mr S.) was not going to talk nonsense. He would not tell them that if they formed the habit of depositing some of their hard-earned money in the savings bank they would in a few years become full - blown runholders. • (Cheers and some confusion.) He had heard his opponent in Napier talk about education —what a fine thing our state system was—how the children of the rich and poor sat together on the same forms, learned from the same books, played together one day and fought together another. Next day he was with a friend, who meeting the speaker, said—" That was a splendid idea of yours, Russell, about the children of the rich and poor sitting on the same forms : You can't think how I admired it—and I thought I saw the little Russell's doing it." (Applause and laughter.) Let them look at this saving bank question. The advice must have been intended for single .men solely, for married working people with families could have no savings to lay aside. A single man in receipt of a regular salary might perhaps save £20 per annum—until he married. But with the object Capt. Russell had set before him, let him put off thinking about marrying until he had become an elderly man, and grey hairs were beginning to come. In ten years, what would he have ? £200, and accumulated interest amounting to about £70 more. And with this £270 he was to become a full-blown runholder? Nonsense. (Laughter and applause.) Up to Friday last, he had heard but one serious objection to his candidature—that bin purse was not long enough and his lands not wide enough man. (Laughter.) On Friday at the nomination, a different tale was told j the reason that Capt. Russell was the better man was that he would support Mr Ormond in turning out the Ministry. If that were to be the test question between them, he (Mr S.) was prepared to let it go to 'the ballot box on that ground. He would ask the electors if they thought that the present Ministry had so mismanaged the affairs of the country, that they would prefer the Government to pass into the hands of Sir George Grey—for there was no other leader. Mr Ormond, finding His platform. was not acceptable to the country, had withdrawn it, announcing that he would take no hostile action against the Ministry, but would hold himself free to maintain his own opinions. Before he could lead a party it would be absolutely necessary that there should be a party to lead. It was impossible to forsee the result of the present election—it might be that a new party would be formed ; but if Sir George Grey were returned no decent opposition could be formed. In Sir George Grey's absence it might be, and be hoped it would not be long before such an event took place. It was quite as necessary for the country that there should be a good and Btrong opposition as a good government. He was only sorry that there was not now a well organised party, so that the country could say whether it agreed with them or with the Government. He had never found it necessary to defend any of his actions in the House, all shades of opinions were satisfied with his conduct there, and he had never heard any word of complaint. Even his bitterest enemies admitted that his opinions had been clearly expressed, and of weight in the country. In the last speech of the Premier to his con- f stituents, he found the same principles which he himself had announced in 1877. It had been said that the Premier had come over to Mr Ormond's views ; but he (Mr 8.) had never heard Mr Ormond give expression to these opinions till 1880. He was no doubt a very humble member of the House, but it seemed that neither the Premier nor Mr Ormond objected to wear his clothes. (And ... a good fit). It was a consolation to him to find that a statesman of Mr Ormond'i ability —to say nothing of members like Capt. Hussell and others —had accepted his opinions and said they were the best for the country at the present time. Only, if they borrowed his political clothes, they ought to say where they got them from. (Applause and laughtei"). He bad been connected with local bodies from the time of their institution, and had always taken an active interest in county affairs. On the subject of local government ho believed himself to be as well qualified to express an opinion as any person in Hawke's Bay. Except when absent at the session he had regularly devoted three or four days,a week to countywork without any remuneration at ail. He was anxious to give the Act a proper trial, and to see such amendments made aB experience might show to be required. Year by year resolutions on the subject had been tabled by him and debated; he hoped next year to Bee them brought forward again and passed, and he believed it would be for the good of the country if they were, He would oppose any

thing like a return to provincial government —lie would have local government by the people ; and that principle had never been so fully developed as at the present time. TJnder provincialism ifc was (true that education, charitable aid, lands, and harbors were locally managed, but in a very different style. They were all in Hawke's Bay in the hands of one man, and were certainly managed well; but that kind of thing would not give satisfaction now, and the country, they might be sure, would noli return to it. It was true that the Land Board was still a nominated body, and be would prefer to see it elective ; but it must be admitted that as at present constituted ib was a representative body, and did its work efficiently. Altogether, the present system was a vast improvement on anything we had had before. He had already said that his opponents would stand at nothing. At the last meeting of the County Council they thought it advisable to tell him to move on. Political motives only were at the bottom of this resolution. They had spoken highly of his past services as chairman, and had paid him the highest compliments that language could devise; but actions spoke louder than words. Had he not had the presumption to contest the county seat with his former colleague, he would still have been Chairman of the County Council. He must not be misconstrued into uttering any word or hint against his successor—no one possessed qualities fitting him better for the post; but every one was awai-e that that gentleman's hands were so full of other duties as not to allow him time for the work. It so happened that he (Mr S.) had no large engagements outside his public duties ; the work partly filled up his time; he admitted that he liked it; and while he held office he had given satisfaction to the county. (Applause.) It had been dinned into their ears before this contest begunj that there was no ruisunderBtanding between the members —that Button was going to stand for the town. When he came back from the session he was told that Waipawa would never return Sydney Johnston, because he was a runholdei , . He thought this strange when be considered that Mr Ormond was also a runholder, and held about the same acreage. Then he heard that Russell was the man for the country district because he was a runholder, while Sutton was " of the town, towny." What Sutton asked was that the man they thought best qualified, runholder or not, should have their votes, and that they should not be guided in their decision by class considerations. (Applause.) It was his intention, if elected, to continue to watch over their interests in the future, and no one could accuee him of having worked for a class in the past. It was to have been expected that wlwn a district returning two members had been divided, the former representatives should attempt to come to some understanding ; and he certainly thought he was entitled to have been consulted. It had pleased |the Jelectore on the last occasion to place him at the head of the poll, and it was his right, when the district was divided, to be consulted as to his future intentions. He took it as a gross insult that his friend Captain Bussell, for a month or six weeks carried on an active canvass behind his back. Until the Eepresentation Bill passed, he (Mr S.) moved neither hand nor foot. He took no step until that Bill became law; but on the following morning—after a sitting of 73 hours —he sent a telegram to the Telegeaph newspaper that he would stand for the county. At the time he took this step, his friend Captain Eussell had been for three months carrying on an active canvass against him. He would not talk any bunkum about the Representation Bill. (Laughter.) His friend had several times tried very hard to persuade him that two and two ■would make five; but try j.s he (Mr S.) could, he could not bring it to anything but four. Captain Russell had argued that it did not matter to Hawke's Bay, so far as its political power was concerned, ■whether the names on its electoral roll were those of natives or Europeans; but he would ask them which of them would care to come and vote, knowing that there were 480 natives on the roll, and that the man who had these 480 votes must win ? Had he brought it with him, he could have read to them the eloquent speech of his friend in 1878, when natives had been placed on the roll for political p arposes. He had read it at Hastings, and the people there were surprised to find how little agreement there was between Captain Russell's views on the subject in 1878 and in 1881. Should he (Mr S.) be in. the House many years, people might say that on some points he had changed his views ; but he was happy to be able to claim that he had been consistent so far, and that on all important points he held the same views as in 1877. Those views had met with the support of the electors then, that support had been renewed in 1879 ; and he had every reason to believe that they were acceptable to the electors in 1881. He would never consent to the packing of the electoral roll with natives—men who paid no taxes —nor any other mortal thing that they could shuffle out of. It would be time to give the natives the franchise when they accepted the obligations of citizenship, and when the Queen's writ would run through the whole country. Not thirteen miles from where he stood, that writ could not, or, at all events, did not run. When the Hepresentation Bill was under consideration Capt. Russell came to Napier • and when he came back to the House he thought he had his 480 native votes in his pocket —but, he had not. (Laughter and applause.) His claim to have originated certain useful measures had been ridiculed as " absurd," but it was trne, nevertheless. He believed he was the first man who put a notice on the order paper thafe all lands of every description should be equally subject to rates, and the time wae not far distant when this would be the law of the colony. In a district like this, the G-overnment had only to put its foot down and say " you must pay the rates " and they would be paid. It was not only the natives who at present escaped taxation. He could indicate the case of a gentleman with relationships among the Maoris, whc held valuable tracts of some of the best land in the district, with 40,000 or 50,00 cheep, and did not pay a penny of direct taxation. This kind of thing must be stopped. (Applause.) Here in the Kawanui district, the settlers who had paid for the railway paid three or four forms of taxation on the enhanced value of their holdings, while the natives, who benefited equally by the expenditure went scot free. He was no advocate for the abolition of Road Boards, and believed that it would be impossible to continue to carry on local government without the counties. He believed in welding the two together— that each chairman of a road board should be a member of the county council by virtue of hie office. The system would then work more evenly and satisfactorily ; there would be one uniform valuation all round, and people would see that the money was properly applied. He had brought these suggestions before the House in 1878, 1879, and 1880. Captain Russell had seconded his resolutions, and given them able support: but he did iiot originate them. The rating body should be the county council, which should also undertake the valuation and the property tax could be made available. The county could do the work efficiently and cheaply, and one uniform system of rating would be in force throughout the whole district. Of the six or seven gentlemen now before the electors for the several districts, he was the only one who avowed himself a supporter of the present Government. He had been returned in 1877 and 1879 to advocate certain principles which principles had been carried out by the gentlemen in power ; and while they continued on this line they would have his support. 4|R e y might modify their views on essential points, but he saw no signs of this at present; and he felt convinced that on the whole they had worked for the good of the country. In tho important matter of financial reform, they had done considerable work, but more remained yet to do. He was a strong supporter of their native policy. If there was one man in New Zealand able to

cope with the native difficulty it was John Bryce—" honest John " —as he was called in his own district. (Applause.) Tho way in which he had acted in that sink of iniquity the native ofllco was much to his credit. Few men could have taken the control of such an office, read its records, and carried out its work—and have remained " honest John" still. The country had already acknowledged and admitted his services, as well as those of the volunteers. There was no doubt in his mind that the prompt massing of 1800 men on the West Coast had prevented bloodshed ; and ho felt more that had the Government desired it, and the necessary means of transport been available, they could have had 5000. He hoped that when Mr Bryce had finally settled the West Coast difficulty, he would deal in an equally effective manner with the subject of native land legislation. At present it was impossible to get native land ; but it would have to be thrown open so that people who wished to purchase might do so, whether friends of the party in power or not. Mr Bryce had once brought forward a well-conceived scheme which ought to have been adopted. It proposed to do away both with Government purchase and private purchase as at present conducted. In the course of a short time ail the native land in the colony would be put through the court, whether the owners requested it or not, ; the tilles would be ascertained and defined, and Crown grants given to the native owners, who could then dispose of it only through the Crown lands office. The natives would thus get an enhanced price for theirland, and intendingpurchasers could buy when they chose. A certain amount of the purchase money —25 per cent or thereabouts—would be deducted by tho Crown Lands Office to cover expense of roads, survey, &o. The system whenever introduced, would be found to be of great benefit. Looking at the present political situation in Hawke's Bay, he thought it presented the queerest medley imaginable. For the three districts there were three gentlemen hand-and-glove, and the same committees working for all three. For Napier there was Mr Buchanan —still a supporter of Sir George Grey. There was Captain Russell who was working for Mr Ormond ; and there was Mr Ormond who would support neither side, but was just now on the rail. They might be told that it was a fine thing to have a proper understanding between representatives. How long would such an understanding as this last ? Not till the polling day. He had known two of the candidates for twenty years past during which time they had been in continual opposition. Mr Ormond had opposed and beaten Mr Buchanan in the past; and the latter gentleman at all events had not altered —he was a Greyite still. No two of the three members stood on a common platform, and their tinderstanding could not last long. It was commonly supposed that the Hawke's Bay members had hitherto worked together in the most pleasant manner possible ; but the amount of consultation between them had really been infinitesimally small. They had consulted more with other members, and had generally arrived at something, but had not worked as a combined three. As they all knew he was an out-and-out supporter of the property tax. It was absolutely necessary that there should be a large amount of taxation, and he claimed that in 1877, two years before anything was done in that direction, he recommended that means should be devised of taxing property which had hitherto escaped with very little taxation indeed. To those who advocated some other form of taxation —an income-tax or a graduated land tax —he would put the question. What clas of people are to be more taxed ? Let us know not only from whom the present grinding tax is to be removed, but who are to be honored with the additional burden. He disapproved of violent changes, and unless some welldigested and better scheme were introduced, he wae prepared to stickJto the property tax. Should the new Parliament, impose a land or income tax there would arise such a general howl of indignation from the people that the members who supported it could never again be returned. He told the meeting plainly that the howl now raised —and raised by a very few—against the property tax, was to have its pressure removed from themselves and placed on their neighboi-s. It was necessary to remember that this tax paid a very small portion of the revenue of the colony. It amounted to £255,000 last year, and this year, being reduced to id, it would probably yield less —from £180,000 to £200,000. At the same time the people were paying £1,255,000 in Customs duties. For a pound of tobacco they paid for 3s 6d went to the Government. Jf they had to hand that sum to a government officer every time they left the tobacconists' shop with such a purchase, they wonld take more interest in the question. How is the money spent? When the public works scheme was first initiated, he told Mr Ormond it would liavo the effect of making large private fortunes at public expense. This prediction had been justified. Could they not now lay their hand on properties which had gone up in value from £20,000 to forty, fifty, or aixty thousand because of the Government railway ? The property tax was the only means yet devised to make the gentlemen who had thus benefited contribute something in return. Indirect taxation was objectionable in principle, but it Wits being resorted to morn and more. In 1879 another shilling a pound had been placed on tobacco, and the spirit duty had been increased. It was true that people could do without these things, but he should have preferred to see reductions in indirect taxation. Day by day they read of one business firm after another failing to meet its engagements, showing that the country has not recovered from its depression; and one great cause of this slow recovery was the heavy pressure of the customs duties. They had no doubt read a i peculiar letter in the Herald signed " Runholdei." He had printed and circulated 200 copies of that letter which described him as a democrat of the worst class, engaged in sowing seeds of dissension between employers and employed, &c. The writer held that it was the duty of his (Mr Sutton's) men to vote for him, such a view was not in accord with his idea 3 of the principle of the ballot-box. If the House of Representatives had ever contemplated that one man should have twenty-five votes, they would have given them to him, and not to men. For twenty years he had been an employer of labor, and had never asked any man in his service to vote. What he had done was to see that all qualified men in his service were enrolled, and that they had the opportunity of recording their vote on polling day if so disposed. If he had ever met with one thing more than any other tending to arouse class prejudices, it was " Runholders " letter. If we had much more class legislation we might have a reaction of a very serious kind which would effectually put a stop to it. The best thing the large property-owners could do would be to leave the subject alone, and not raise a feeling of opposition they might find it difficult to quell. Ho had read Captain Russell's speeches very carefully, and could not find any distinct ideas expressed as to the property tax or direct taxation, except the one vague statement that he had always advocated that property should pay its share. He believed thoro was room for great saving in the civil service, not by indiscriminate reduction of salaries, but by amalgamation of offices. He could honestly say lie had never neglected his duties in tho House. When a gentleman made his appearance there in full evening dress, the common remark was " So-and-so has the blue peter up." It was a sign that there was a dance or dinner party somewhere that evening, and sure enough when 9 o'clock arrived, Mr Blue Peter walked off, and the House saw him no more that night. (Laughter.) He was proud to see so many measures suggested, by himself now advocated by the Government. He was the first to address the House on the subject of the relations between County Councils and Road Boards,

and the ideas he brought forward in that speech were now meeting with very general support. This idea of issuing Government bonds for small sums of money to be taken up within tho colony had been embodied by Major Atkinson in his last financial statement, and he was sure that tho plan when introduced would be found a great convenience, and would be largely availed of. He was proud of the way the constituency had received him. He had not been making domiciliary visits ; his hand was not stiff with shaking ; he asked no one privately for his vote —he asked them there for theirs. (Applause.) He did not believe in votes of confidence and did not ask for one now —he expected they would give him their vote of confidence on Friday. If they thought him qualified honestly to perform his duties as their representative, let them vote for him ; if they thought Capt. Russell the best man, let them come up and vote for Capt. Russell. He did not say don't vote at all, for he considered it almost a religious duty. Ho had imported no private matters into this contest, but had fought it solely on public grounds. He believed the private characters of the other candidates of whom he had spoken would bear the fullest investigation, he believed his own would also. No one who ever had dealings with him had a bad word for him. He was in business in Napier 17 year? ; during that time he never sued a man for an account —he sometimes had to wait a good while for his money, ifc was true, for times were bad 'hen —but during ihe whole period he did not lose £100 in bad debts. It was the men he had employed years ago —who knew him well in daily life, who were now devoting all their energies to secure his return. He was not without enemies—no public man worth his salt ever was ; but lie had made firm friends, and they were working for him which now was to him a matter of special pride. Let them go to the poll on Friday and vote for the best man, and they would find the old horse would not be far away when the colors went up. (Great applause.) Mr M'Leod asked the candidate : How did you vote on Mr Hutchison's motion against the ten per cent, reduction of salaries under £150. Mr Sutton : I cannot say 1 opposed the 10 per cent, reduction generally. Mr M'Leod : You paired'with the Government against the resolution. Mr Suttou: Possibly I did. If so, I went with my party. One omission I wish to supply. I should oppose any amendment of the Education Act in the direction of the admission of the Bible into schools. Mr M'Leod : Then did you vote on the first reading of the Bible in reference to that subject, introduced by Mr Fulton, the member for Taieri ? Mr Sutton : I cannot say. As a matter of courtesy, it is usual to vote for the first reading of any bill. This one, however, had no possible chance of passing, and there was a great deal of work before the House. I think the noes had it, and that I voted with them. Mr McLeod : You voted with the ayes. But on the motion for the second reading that day fortnight you voted that it be read that day six months, or in favor of shelving the bill. Mr Taylor moved and Mr '"Yaughan seconded a vote of thanks to Mr Sutton, which was carried amid loud cries of " confidence." Mr Sutton thanked the meeting for the vote, and pointing to the ballot-oox added, "If you put your confidence there, I will thank you more." The usual compliment to the chair closed the proceedings.

[by telegeaph.'J Dunedin, December 6. Mr Reeves has retired from the contest for City East.