MR. ORMOND AT WAIPAWA.

Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3235, 12 November 1881, Page 2

MR. ORMOND AT WAIPAWA.

In accordance with advertisement Mr Ormond addressed a meeting of tbe electors of tbe Waipawa district in the Oddfellows' Hall, Waipawa, at 8 o'clock last evening. The hall was crowded to the doors. Mr Dunsan Guy was voted to the chair, and introduced the candidate. V Mr Ormond, who was received with. 1 hearty applause, said that in tbe first place / he would explain that he had chosen for his meeting the earliest time after the issue of the writs, having thought it better to wait until they were out, and he would occupy tbe same position as tbe other candidates. They Were well aware that this would be a contested election; an old friend of his, Mr Sydney Johnston, being one of the candi* dates; and there was every reason to believe that anotheV gentleman was in the" field, though as yet he had not announced himself. Mi* Johnston had already addressed them, and from the report wliich he (Mr 0.) had read it seemed he had "gone for him." This was quite fair ; Mr Johnston, it seemed, differed from him on almost'every point; but he could not help thinking that Mr Johnston would have done better if instead of devoting all his attention to him (Mr O.) he had put forward some of his own views. * In his address to-night he intended in the first place to speak of his.action in the past session, : and then to "devote some attention to probable developments in the future. He would recall to their memories the last occasion on which he had met them in April last before he went to the Assembly. On that occasion he referred to the most prominent matters engaging public attention—the native question, the subject of local; government, of local, administration of taxation, and of the reduction of expenditure. He was oh that -.'■'' occasion accorded a vote of confidence ; he went to Wellington as their representative ; and in every action he had given effect to the views be had then expressed, and which his constituents by their vote of confidence had endorsed. He had at that meeting told them wlfat the intentions of the Government were—to pass a number of measures of no great importance except one—the 1 Redistribution of Seats Bill, and then to • enjoy a period of " political rest." He explained that he differed from the Government" in this respect. He held that it was their duty to carry through that bill, which tbe country had demanded, to pass votes sufficient to meet .necessary claims until after election," and "then appeal to the country before any r other large questions were dealt with. The-utterances of jio"public man at that time had been more* r fully-*justified by thjg time' tlian wfre his own' on that occasion. He had told them that the Government was hot strong enough to carry through necessary measures. The session . opened, and first in tbe usual order of business came the usual reply to the Govornor's (#»• address —the manifesto of the Ministry— which was very meagre and unsatisfactory. A debate took place, and some of these very questions which he had said the Parliament would insist in considering, came on for discussion. There cropped up immediately the question of local government, and the debate prematurely collapsed, the Ministry not replying, i The next business was the Charitable Aid Bill, for enabling hospitals and other charitable institutions to be dealt with by the county authorities ; and here again, instead of the principle of the bill, the sole discussion turned on lopal government. 7 After some days the Government dropped the bill. " Then followed Mr Murray's motion, asking the Government to provide a scheme'and funds for local government; and the Premier promised that he would come down with . such ara c'asure at an early date. Six weeks passed, and the only business of importance before Parliament in all that.time was the Licensing Bill. Tin's latter was a measure which appeared to him to be satisfactory to the country —at all events both the parties - most immediately concerned were content with its provisions. It was a curious fact in .connection with this bill that when one member read a telegram he had received from the licensed victuallers of Otago in the extreme South, to the that the bill suited them very well, he was followed by another with a message T from the Good Templars of A uckland, also expressing approval. It was not often that a bill was passed with the happy/result of pleasing all parlies concerned, yet such seemed to be tbe case with the Licensing BftT. " ; It was the only really important measure passed, the rest of the session proving barren*. He would briefly touch upon tbe two Government measures dealing with local government —the Rating of Crown and Native Lands Bill, and the Roads Construction Bill. By the time these were brought in the Treasurer bad mndo his financial statement, and the two bills and the statement indicated sufficiently [the Government as regarded finance, the principal fea-ture-of which was that-the subsidies > to local bodies for local works must \ cease. Thesefproposals were "received by '" -" tbe whole House—the Government party included —as unsatisfactory. He opposed the Government on these grounds—that they had made no provision for the extension of local government, and no j definite proposals of finance ; no attempt to decentralise tbe system of Government, nor any endeavor to give effect to those reforms which the House felt convinced the public needed and demanded. The Crown and Native Lands Bating Bill was unobjectionable in principle. He himself had long advocated something of tbe kind, and the , year before Major Atkinson had moved aW bill" rating native ( property "in boroughs, which had been dropped. The Act of last session did not confine tbe rating to boroughs, and he approvedof itsprinciple, though be disagreed with nearly the whole of the bill. It provided that Crown and native lands should be valued at rating purpurposes at an uniform, rate of. £I"per acre for the best agricultural, and at 6s 8d per -V" acre for unagricultural. If this had been carried out the settlers would in future have been rated, for their improvements; for all could see that the rate fixed was in both cases not a fair valuation. 'He had in the House cited Henare Tomoana's case as one in point. Henare's block adjoined land rated at £20 per acre, and under the Government bill £1 per acre was the extreme sum at which his land could be rated. It was the same throughout the Island. In the Bush the settlers were' rated at £2 to £5, while • Government land, similar in quality, could only be rated at 6s Bd. Another, blot on the bill was the extraordinary provision that valuations of land were to be conducted by an officer in Wellington a. movement still further in the direction of centralisation. He maintained that work of this kind could only be properly done by the local boards. The Local Government Bill, the chief object of which was to find means for' local works, he objected to, as there was no finality in it. It provided for the appropriation of moaey from loans, waste lands, &c., by way of Imm. to local bodies. In addition to its want of finality, the bill had a defect in its lavge centralising tendencies, the fund being doled }■ out by a Board, the central powers deciding \ on what roads they should subsidise, and having the distribution of money. Both these measures were in the'direction of abolishing all local government, and centering tbe administration in Wellington. The House was disappointed, and condemned the bills, and the question was, how to stop - them. When he last addressed his constituents he maintained that all work of this kind could only be carried out by a local Dody, and his sentiments met with the approval of the meeting. The feeling of the House—even the supporters of th_k Government —and the feeling of the country was much against the Goternment proposals, and he felt he had a duty to perform. Ho concluded that if the bills were read a second time, and the principle affirmed, there would be but little chance of amending them, so that they would either have to be naet at once, or pass into law at

introduced. In the absence of any pro perly organised Opposition, there wa special danger of this latter contingency He found himself supported in his opinio of these measures by those whose judgmen he much respected, and he was fully awar that neither the House nor the countr were satisfied with them. He therefor brought forward a motion equivalent to vote of want of confidence, am which at the same time did no take that special form. The Government i beaten had a right to dissolve the Hous and appeal to the country. This was th course they should have taken, and it wa with the feeling that it would come to thi that he moved his want of confidence reso lution. (Applause.) At the first glance after the motion was made, it appeared as i o very large majority would vote for it, bn other considerations came in. The Govern ment expressed an opinion that they wen likely to resign, and as a dissolution wai considered the preferable and proper course many votes were lost through that considera tion. The Government got rid of thii difficulty in this way —by arranging that, ii the motion was carried, the bills should be withdrawn and be no more heard of—ir other words acknowledging that their policy as embodied in the bills, was not acceptable to the country. He fully understood the importance and responsibility of the positior he had assumed ; he did what he considered right and best, and he obtained what he sought. (Cheers.) The next measure of importance, which might be said to have ended the business of the session—though a large number of bills were afterwards passed through almost without examination —was the bill for the re-adjustment of tbe representation of the country. He voted for the second reading on the ground .that re-adjust-ment was necessary; but .he. thought'the bill objectionable, in nearly every clause, and his colleague, Capt. ,Rnssell, was of the same opinion. The bill was ungenerous and unfair to the North Island ; and the leading feature of the bill one hard-and-fast rule of so much representation to a country district and so much to a town bad tbe effect of depriving the centres of population of that influence to whioh they were fairly entitled. In this respect the measure was a most illiberal one. Its injustice to the North Island was fully admitted by a large majority of the Southern men, but they made no effort to remedy it. They felt that they were on the eve of a general election, and would not care to face their constituents with tbe consciousness that they had increased the representation of another part of the country. The bill was therefore allowed to pass as it stood, which was much to be regretted. If the North Island members had been true to themselves the bill could never have passed in the form it did. They would find the result when the money for public works came to be voted. After this the conduct of the public business became discreditable in the extreme. No further debate took place, nor was due consideration given to anything, but measures wore rushed through without examination. The way the estimates passed would illustrate this. Motions affirming the necessity of reducing the expenses by £50,000 were defeated, but one fixing the teduction at £30,000 was carried, on the understanding that the ordinary estimates would be passed as they stood, and the Government left to make the reduction. These ordinary estimates were passed in one evening. He was writing in his place to o> friend all the time, and had no idea tbe ordinary estimates were in progress until they were ]jglf through, when he heard something ab&iirailways. Another member asked what was being passed, and was told ' Public Works 1 ' The proceedings in passing the estimates were not creditable to members. The House was in so disorganised a state that it was useless to attempt to debate or d'souss a single question. Tbe Government from the first were not strong enough at the beginning to do anything; things got worse and worse as the session went on ; and after the want of confidence motion was lost they found themselves possessing less' the confidence of the House than ever! It was at this time that the Corrupt Practices Bill and others,containing doubtless many good things, was pased, but with grave faults, owing to want of consideration. The bill he had named, for instance, placed numberless difficulties in the way of proper communication between candidate and constituents. This all arose from the weakness of the Government, who, being too weak to carry their measures, still arranged to hold their seats. Two honorable courses were open to them—to desolve or resigns, but they prefered quietly to submit and see their policy consigned to the waste paper basket. In such a case any Government would lose prestige, and we could not be said to have responsible government. Very early in the session ifc became clear that little or no attention would paid be to public business. He, with Mr Sutton and Captain Russell, waited on the Government on the subject of the railway." A certain sum was available for our line, with which it was the intention of Ministers to carry out the Matumai section of 2£ miles. As only four miles had been opened in the past year, this was. not satisfactory. By going into the figures carefully it was found that the available funds would permit of the expensive bridges being built, and the line opened toTahoraite in two years. This he could claim to have been brought about by his efforts. It would he a gveat incentive to progress in the district, opening up a splendid totara forest, which would not only supply local needs, hut the rest of the colony. , (Applause.) He and his colleagues had done their best for the benefit of the district, but no more than was right. There was one matter in which he considered tbe Government deserved great blame, though it was never brought up inParliament. About ayear ago considerable distress prevailed on account of want of employment, especially in the Seventy-mile Bush. The session before last the Government promised to assist the settlers if possible. At tbe beginning of the session Parliament set aside £75,000 to be paid to men to be employed on the public works ; but the Government, though they had the fnnds in their hands, did not expend them. It was not dull times for the steamers, for a single boat sometimes took away from tho colony as many as 200 men, who might have become permanent settlers bad they received employment. Mr Johnston thought it a great thing that the colony had held its own in the matter of population, but this was a poor state of things in a rising colony, where so much had been spent to bring men out. Referring to the future, he would speak first of native affairs, which had very properly attracted paramount attention lately. He had on a former occasion expressed entire concurrence with Mr Bryce's vigorous policy, and events had shown he was right. When j Mr Bryce left affairs drifted once again. It had now become pretty clear that Mr Bryce's retirement was owing to a difference of opinion between himself and tbe Governor, The remainder of the Minstry did not take the same view of their position and responsibility or they would have resigned also, in which case his opinion was that they would have had the country at their back, and would have carried out their policy, the Governor's ideas notwithstanding. As it was there had been a twelve month of delay and suspense, and the cost of maintaining a large armed force. They would all agree with tho course the Government bad taken and in a case of this kind it was the duty of every man in the community to support the Government. (Cheers.) All other questions must stand aside till we had ended this native difficulty—so great a curse in the past. In connexion with this subject he came to that of native land purchase. There were many blocks under negotiation on which large sums of money had been paid, but the purchase of which had never been completed. This subject had acquired additional importance since the passing of the Railways Construction Bill. Without these lands we should be in a very unfavorable position as compared with the other Island, and the completion of the purchase was a -prwung necessity,'- H» feared tho Govern"

did not take this view, but ib was oni which his hearers Would agree with. (Cheer 3." Inrogtircl to locel government, Mr Johnston had taxed him with being vague. Thos< who read the extracts from his speeches published in a local paper, would not en dorse the charge. On this subject he had been as distinct as a man could be. Tb< only system of local government now ir force in the country was that of Countj Councils and Foad Boards. The only, objection to tbe double system was that tht road work was carried on by two bodies, botl: with taxing powers, and often clashing with each other. He saw no reason why the boundaries of Road Boards should not be extended so as to be co-terminus with Ridings and Counties, in. which case the County Councils might cease to exist, all their functions being vested in the Road Boards. He failed to see the necessity of the two bodies. Road Boards could manage their own affairs, raise taxes, and spend them to quite as great advantage as County Councils. (Applause.) The system would be simpler, more economical, and would in every way work better, while the people would be better satisfied with the real local government. lie bad ideas outside this. Tbe numerous different boards, elective and nominated, now existing, might be abolished, and their functions also handed over. The local bodies of which he spoke would be best qualified to deal with the waste lands of the crown. He had no desire for a return of provincialism—it was out of the question, especially the lawmaking portion, which experience had shown to be .the great error of tbe old system. The Government had not done well in neglecting this subject; we should not have good government till some change was made. (Applause.) What bad the central government done in little things. Even the rabbit nuisance must be regulated by an official in Wellington. To be successful, local government must be connected with some absolute and definite system of finance. Nothing could be carried on with--out funds. This must be supplied by direct taxation locally applied. Coming to the general question of taxation, he noticed that the Government last session, without expressing any cause, reduced the property tax from Id to id. From the first he had objected to the principle of the property tax—its great fault, to his mind, being that it taxed the settler who improved his property, and allowed the non-improver to escape. In 1878, speaking on this subject, he expressed his belief that property did not bear its fair proportion. He was in favor of a property and income tax. The question arose at every step—what sort of tax are you to endow local bodies with. An income tax was immeasurably fairer than a property tax, but for local purposes a land tax would be necessary. Everything depended on the form of local government, and until this was settled the nature of the tax could not be fixed. Whatever tax was in force, few things were worse for a country than continual changes, causing not only trouble and inconvenience, but involving large losses in official salaries, offices, &c. Disapproving of the property tax, he questioned if it would.be wise to disturb ifc, except so far as to free it from certain objectionable features. Ifc should contain exemption for improvements on land and machinery, thus stimulating improvements. Ho had been pointed afc as a man desirous to avoid taxation. He did not like it, nor know anyone who did, but he recognised that it was the duty of property to bear taxation. He voted in the first place for the property tax, though he disapproved of it, because in 1878 he pledged himself to vote for the first tax that would make property beau o 'fairer share of the burdens. For the same reason he supported Sir G. Grey's land tax, though not entirely believing in it. Property had to bear its burdens, and it was of no use to try to shirk them. (Applause.) When we desired by all means to get capital, however, the burden must be wisely arranged, so as not to drive it away. There were sixteen million acres of land in tbe band of natives in the North Island, besides Crown land, utterly unproductive in the way of taxation. To the working classes the introduction of capital meant high wages, and all else to be desired ; out if capital were driven away by taxation, we should find we had killed the goose that laid the golden eggs. (Applause.) When the public works policy was first instituted, the scheme involved a trunk line from north and south of each island. In the South, with no native difficulty, and with certain special advantages, this trunk line was nearly complete, besides numerous valuable feeders. In the North, we had only isolated' pieces all over the island. Were we content with this ? In Otago they were calling out for the ' Central Otago' line, to cost a million and a half, and the Canterbury and West Coast line was also being agitated for. The Govern' ment in the first place should see that effect was given to the original plan to meet the case. The Government had carried the Railways Construction Bill, and he agreed that, under proper restraint, it might be the proper thing to invite companies. He strongly objected to a provision in that bill enabling the Government to complete contracts independently of the sanction of Parliament—it was a measure fraught with danger. How were we in the North to complete our lines ? Only by means of fresh loans, as far as he could see, and he would use his influence to get them. There must, however, be some safeguard ; he had already seen money raised for our lines spent elsewhere. Tf -we -were a.ble to accompany our application for - a. loan by a definite plan of the proposed lines, we would make infinitely better terms in borrowing. For other matters it would be necessary to borrow. The fund for land purchase had been taken and spent on railways, and this would require to be replaced from tbe next loan. Money was also required to open up land where a railway did not run. This was necessary to make the land available for intending settlers. It must be made as easy as possible to occupy tbe land provided. (At £1 per acre?) We should have all that remedied when we had our waste lands under local management, as he had just proposed. In the South there was a large acreage of holder's leases just falling in. He held that this must be cut up in the way most favorable for settlement. For years he had steadily voted to give every facility to tbe settler to get cheap land. Tho amount paid for the iand was of small consequence so long as the people settled upon ifc. A theory had been advocated to keep all the lands in the hands of tbe Crown, and grant leases only. He wa3 not in favor of ifc. Tho incentive that brought nine out of ten of our settlers was the desire to get a freehold. There were many other questions he could dwell upon, but as the hour was late he would proceed to more personal matters. He bad been asked to do as some of the other candidates bad done —personally canvass. It was from no disrespect to the electors that he forbore to do this. The feeling was that any candidate coming forward for election under the ballot was tresspassing beyond the principle of the ballot in. going about canvassing. (Great applause.) For twenty years he had represented the district, and had never personally solicited a vote. He had numerous friends, who interested themselves in his favor, and kept him informed of what was passing. (Laughter and noise.) The most he had clone in the way of canvassing was to ask the electors not to pledge themselves to any other man till they bad heard what he had to say for himself. Mr Johnston had rather ungenerously asked what he had done for the district during the twenty years he had represented it. People did talk a good deal of rubbish, and among the sins laid at his door while he was Superintendent of Hawke's Bay was this : —thafc he had done all manner of things for this district to the i neglect of other parts of the province. What i did the people of Wairoa say—that he had constructed a magnificent; road to Walling- , ford. . 'I hose who had travelled the road k I could testify that it was one of the most ■ \execrable in the district, In the past

■ twenty years he had done work for the district that new-comers, knew little about. It had been his work to open lup the Seventy-mile Bush. In provincial times be tried to do ifc, but could not succeed; but when he was General Government agent, ruling one-third of the < island, he did it. His name was identified with every settlement in the Bush, and he was proiH to hear from his friends that from these settlements he would have nearly a block vote. . (Applause.) His opponent had accused him of deserting the Government. He had differed from the Government, and would give his reasons. When Mr Hall was elected Premier he was not chosen as a great leader of the party, but because there was less personal objection to him than to some more able men. He (Mr O.) agreed to the election, and had since supported the party as far as possible. During the first two years the party held office all they did was to pass the bills left in the pigeon-holes by the Grey Ministry— the so-called " liberal measures." He was not an admirer of men who were content to take up and wear other people's clothes. The session before last, the Treasurer came down and told the House of the financial difficulties of the colony, and announced that the subsidies to local bodies, amounting to £250,000, must be stopped. To make it up, he proposed to give these bodies double taxing power. He also spoke of the large amount accruing as interest on loans, which had to be met by a property tax. Altogether, the Treasurer's statement indicated a very considerable dose of taxation. Taking a broad view of the position, he (Mr O.) could not understand why, in the face of all these difficulties, there was not some adequate effort made in the direction of reducing expenditure. Speaking privately to members, he found. their dread of the return of Sir George Grey to office was so great as to deter them from' taking part with him on this question. He had before him then an unpleasant and ungracious task. He was not boasting. (A laugh.) He made up his mind that as an individual member —their representative—he would force a reduction lin the official expenditure, and he did ifc. He told the Government that a saving of £250,000 would be effected, and they sneered afc him openly in the House for making the statement. Yet he forced it on thorn nevertheless, and- they had at once set to work and effected a saving of that amount. If he had done no other service to the colony than that, he considered he had clone more than either of the other gentlemen now contesting the seat had done, or would do, if they lived fifty thousand years. (Laughter, cheers, and uproar.) Though he had brought about this saving, he objected entirely to the means by which it had been carried out. They were unfair, unreasonable, and not according to the principles he advocated. He remembered propounding the doctrine that they must start with the higher salaries, beginning with the highest—that of the Governor. But Sir Hercules was a popular Governor, and this suggestion met with no response. He opposed the indiscriminate ten per cent, reduction, as unfair and oppressive to the low-salaried officers, and he proposed a more general amalgamation of offices. The next ground of difference occurred last session, and into that subject he had already pretty fully entered. The questions of the day, with which the late Parliament had shown itself unable to deal, were now to be relegated to another to be chosen expressly for the purpose. Should he be returned he would go as before free and unfettered, to do his best as time and occasion indicated, Although he had said a good deal of the shortcomings of the Government, he did not come forward as their opponent. Tbe position he would take in this respect would depend altogether on the proceedings of the Government and the Parliament. He was now ready to answer questions on subjects he had overlooked, and would take the first availablo opportunity of meeting the electors in other parts of the district which he had so long represented. - Mr Ormond then [(at' 9.45) resumed bis seat, amid loud and continued applause. Mr Bowden : Will you vote for a special land tax for absentees ? ' Mr Ormond : The view I have expressed about the direction of "the tax is this—do all' you can to protect improving settlers, and let the tax bear on the man who is not improving. To get at the absentee specially would be a difficult business. Mr White : Where is the money to come from to carry on the present education system ? Mr Ormond : I presume Mr White refers to the difficulty of obtaining funds for school buildings. The House made provision, which turns out to be inadequate if the present system is to be carried out. The question is a large one, and ifc is the duty of the Government to make such proposals. If I am asked to state what I believe will be the system for the future, I believe that school buildings will be a charge on the district. Captain Howard proposed, and Mr Lloyd seconded, a vote of continued confidence in Mr Ormond, and tho Chairman rose to put the resolution. Mr Potts moved- as an amendment a vote of thanks to Mr Ormond, which Mr Harker seconded. The Chairman put the amendment, for which fifty or sixty hands were held up. After counting the votes, he put the original proposition, for which there was a very similar show. He gave the numbers as for the ammendment fifty, for the original motion sixty, and declared tbe -rote o£ confidence carried. The amendment was received with lusty cheers and loud expression of dissatisfaction, which continued for some time, and the discussion in the body of the hall became so engrossing that the ordinary compliment to tbe chairman was forgotten. The meeting closed shortly after 10 p.m.