The Dominion. FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 1939. GERMANY’S EASTWARD MARCH

Dominion, Volume 32, Issue 147, 17 March 1939, Page 8

The Dominion. FRIDAY, MARCH 17, 1939. GERMANY’S EASTWARD MARCH

11l pressing on with his drive-to-the-East policy, Herr Hitler has acted with grkter rapidity and effrontery than the rest of Europe expected. Ominous moves to extend Germany’s sphere of influence in the direction of the coveted Ukraine have been made during the past six months. It has been recognized as inevitable that sooner or later a repetition of the Sudeten coup would be attempted by a fostering and exploitation of the desire for “liberation” among other minorities. But the splitting in two of the remnants of Czechoslovakia and the virtual annexation of the Czech territories, Bohemia and Moravia, appear to have come as a complete surprise to diplomatic circles. With complete absence of scruple, the German Fuehrer has. struck again where he struck in September last, this time completing his triumph over the unhappy Versailles-born republic. A statement by Mr. Chamberlain in the House of Commons on March 14 suggests strongly that the full intentions of Germany weie not realized by the British Cabinet even on the eve of the seizure. . In reply to a question by the Leader of the Opposition, the Prime Minister reminded him that the proposed guarantee to Czechoslovakia was to have been against unprovoked aggression. He added that “no such aggression had yet taken place,” and that the suggestion that the Government was now entirely disinterested in Czechoslovakia was entirely unwarranted. Hardly were these words on record when German troops marched over the border toward Prague. Mr. Chamberlain, unless he was merely delaying the inevitable revelation, had pinned his faith to the word of a dictator—and. had been betrayed. As the collaborator with Herr Hitler in the Munich settlement, he is left in an honourable but embarrassing and humiliating position; and both Britain and France are faced with the plainest possible evidence of the weakness of appeasement as a settled diplomatic policy. The tenacious optimism of Mr. Chamberlain’s review of the situation, printed this morning, rather emphasizes that weakness. To appreciate the rapidity with which events have moved during the week, a brief review is called for. On Friday last the Czechoslovakian President, Dr. Hacha, attempted to prevent the proclamation of a separate Slovak State by dismissing the Premier and several Radical Ministers. The campaign for secession, though sudden in its final stages, has been of long standing. It was given impetus last September when the Sudeten areas were lost to the nation, and since then has been encouraged assiduously by Germany. By Sunday a new Slovak Cabinet had been , formed but, significantly, it had the approval of Germany, and on the following day reports from both Prague and Bratislava showed that secession had not been stayed. Communication between the txyo capitals had been severed, and Germany had showed her hand by sending uniformed Storm Troopers to Slovakia. On Tuesday the independence of Slovakia was declared, whereupon Germany, having completely isolated the Czechs and made impossible any sort of resistance, completed her plan by sending troops into Bohemia and Moravia. Thus she has straightened her frontier and extended it to the border-lands of the Ukraine. She has done more, for Slovakia becomes a convenient buffer State between Poland and Hungary, completely under German influence, Two points of particular importance to European diplomacy have emerged from this ruthless reshuffle. The first is that Herr Hitler’s power in the chancellories of Eastern Europe is now dangerously dominant. Throughout the piece he has had his own way, just as in Austria and at Munich, but with the added advantage of no diplomatic opposition. This is heady encouragement, and it is highly unlikely that he will rest content for longer than is necessary to consolidate his easy gains. Rumania lies in the path of the Eastern march—and what of Hungarian independence', or even Polish security, in the face of. such expansion? The second point is that Herr Hitler’s word is no longer his bond. This, to cynical eyes, may seem a fatuous comment, but it has to be recognized that there must be honourable observance of accepted obligations as well as goodwill in the intercourse of nations. With-out this, international negotiation would be a mockery and a farce. When the German Chancellor said, immediately after the Munich Agreement had been reached, that Germany had no further territorial claims in Europe, Mr. Chamberlain was justified in accepting the assurance. There was no other reasonable course to take. Now that the spirit, if not the letter, of that assurance has been violated, both Britain and France can be wiser. They know that undertakings mean nothing and action everything in Central Europe today. The effect of the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia will be farreaching. Among the democracies it will harden opinion against any disposition to return colonies to Germany, and, no doubt, it will be an additional factor in convincing the United States of the need for a united front of democratic nations. It will cause fresh alarm in Poland, and should influence her in making a more resolute choice of policy. On the other hand, Herr Hitler’s newest success, besides intimidating the smaller Powers of Eastern Europe, may embolden Italy to present her Mediterranean claims. The spring is beginning badly in Europe, and the days to come will be anxious ones.