An Historic Incident

Dominion, Volume 19, Issue 48, 20 November 1926, Page 17

An Historic Incident

Germany’s Entry to the League of Nations •

In the Salle de la Reformation at Geneva, at 10.30 a.m. on Friday, 10th September, 1926, on the invitation of the President (Dr. Benes) the German delegates took their places in the Assembly Hall of the League of Nations.

REPLYING to the President’s brief address of welcome, Dr. Stresemann, the German Chancellor, : id: — Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, the President of this Assembly and the President of the Council of the League of Nations have been good enough to greet Germany’s entry into the League with words of contentment and satisfaction. In addressing you from this platform, I feel it my first duty to express Germany’s thanks to these two gentlemen, and also to this Assembly. ’ Allow me, at the same time, to express our gratitude to the Swiss Government, which is now extending its traditional and generous hospitality to Germany as a Member of the League of Nations. Six years have passed since the foundation of the League. A long period of development was necessary before the general political situation was such as to render possible 1 armanv's membership of The "League, and oven in the present year we see that great difficulties have had to be overcome before Germany’s decision could be followed by the unanimous decision of the League of Nations. It is far from my desire to revive things which belong to the past. It is rather the task of the present generation to direct its gaze to things of the present and of the future. Let me only say this: if an event like Germany’s entry into the League could only reach maturity after so long a period of germination, that is perhaps a special guarantee of its permanence and fruitful results. To-day Germany enters the circle of States, to some of which she has been attached by untroubled ties of friendship, whereas others were allied against her during the Great War. It is surely an event of historical importance that Germany and these latter States are now brought together within the League of Nations for permanent and pacific co-operation. It is a fact which indicates more clearly than words or programmes could ever express, that the League of Nations may indeed be destined to give a new direction to the political development of mankind. The civilisation of mankind would be exposed to particularly grave dangers at the present time if it were impossible for the nations to obtain guarantees of being able to perforin the tasks which their destiny has assigned to them in peaceful and untroubled co-operation. The catastrophic happenings of a terrible war have recalled the conscience of mankind to a consideration of the tasks which confront the different nations. In many countries we see witnesses of the ruin of whole classes of the population, who not only merit consideration but are intellectually and economically indispensable to the life of the nation. We behold the birth of new forms of economic life and the disappearance of older ones. We see how economic life overleaps the old national boundaries and seeks new forms of international co-operation. The old economic situation of the world had no rules and no programmes to guide its co-operation. This co-operation was based on the unwritten law of the traditional exchange of goods. The restoration of that exchange must be our task. If we really desire the undisturbed economic development of the world, that end will not be attained by erecting barriers between the countries but rather by bridging over the gulfs which hitherto have separated the different national economic systems. But there is something which far transcends in importance all material considerations, and that is the soul of the nations themselves. There is just now a mighty stirring of ideas among the nations of the world. We see seme that adhere to the principle of self-contained national unity and who reject international understanding because they do not wish to see all that has been developed on the basis of nationality superseded by the more general conception of humanity. Now I hold that no country which belongs to the League of Nations thereby surrenders in any way her national individuality. The Divine Architect of the world has not created mankind as a homogeneous whole; He has made the nations of different races; He has given them their mother tongue as an expression of their spirit; He has given them countries with different characteristics as their homes. But it cannot be the purpose of the Divine worldorder that men should direct their supreme national energies against one another, thus ever thrusting back the general progress of civilisation. He will serve humanity best who, firmly rooted in the faith of his own people, develops his moral and intellectual gifts to their highest significance, thus over-stepping his own national boundaries and serving the whole of mankind, as has been done by those great men of all nations whose names arc written in the history of mankind. Thus the ideals of nationality and of humanity may unite on the intellectual plane, and in the same way they may unite in the field of political aspiration, provided that there is a will to serve the common process of evolution in this spirit. The political outcome of these ideas is a moral obligation on the part of the different countries to devote their efforts to peaceful co-operation. This moral obligation exists also with regard to the great moral problems of humanity. No other law should be applied to their solution than that of justice. The co-operation of the peoples in the League of Nations must and will lead to just solutions being arrived at for the moral questions which arise in the conscience of the people. For the most durable foundation of things is a policy inspired by mutual understanding and mutual respect between peoples. Germany has already, before her entry into the League, endeavoured to work in the direction of this friendly co-operation. In that respect, the German initiative which led to the Pact of Locarno is a proof, and as further evidence there are the arbitration treaties which Germany has concluded with almost all her neighbours. The German Government is resolved to persevere unswervingly in this line of policy, and it notes with satisfaction that these ideas, which in the beginning encountered lively opposition in Germany, are now becoming more and more deeply rooted in the conscience of the German people. The German Government may well speak for the great majority of the German race when it declares that it will wholeheartedly devote itself to the task of the League of Nations. During the past six years the League of Nations has already undertaken a substantial portion of its tasks, and it has done most valuable work. The German delegation does not possess the experience which the members here assembled have already acquired. It believes, however, with respect to the further tasks to be approached, that those fields of activity should be given preference in which the different nations are able to increase their own capacities by adapting themselves to common institutions, and, among others, to the institution of the League of Nations. It has in mind, above all, the endeavours made towards the establishment of an international legal order which has taken substantial shape in the foundation of the Court of International Justice. Furthermore, the efforts made towards disarmament are of particular importance for the consolidation of a peaceful order among the nations. The complete disarmament of Germany was stipulated by the Treaty of Versailles as a preliminary to general disarmament. It is to be hoped that this general disarmament may be advanced by active work. Such an advance would constitute a proof of the great force which already resides in the ideals of the League of Nations.

> Germany’s relations to the League are not, however, exclusively governed by the possibilities of co-operation of those great general ideals which the League of Nations is now pursuing. The League of Nations is, in fact, in many respects the heir and executor of the Treaties of 1919. From these treaties have resulted in the past, I think I may say frankly, many divergencies between the League of Nations and Germany. I hope that a settlement of these questions will be rendered easier in future by our co-operation within the League. In this field mutual confidence will, from a political point of view, be found to be a greater creative force than any other method. It would, indeed, be incompatible with the ideals of the League of Nations to divide the peoples cooperating within it into nations which are the objects of sympathy and nations which are the objects of the antipathy of other Members. In this connection I reject most emphatically the conception according to which the attitude adopted by Germany in matters concerning the League of Nations has been dictated by such sympathies or antipathies. Germany desires to co-opcratc on the basis of mutual confidence with all nations represented in the League or upon the Council.

The League of Rations has not yet attained its ideal, which is to include all the Powers of the world. Germany’s entry into the League docs, it is true, constitute an important step towards the universality of the League. But we desire at the same time to express our deep regret that Brazil has manifested her intention to withdraw from the League. These regrets are all the keener because Germany believes that the notion of the universality of the League is inseparable from the consideration that predominant influence in the League cannot be reserved for one continent alone.

Furthermore, we share, with the other nations members of the League, he firm hope that the valuable co-operation of Spain may be retained for the League. We are convinced that the appeal which has been addressed to Spain by all the Powers will convince that great country and will convince the Spanish people how detrimental it would be to the high ideals of which she has been so leading a champion if Spain were to be long absent from Geneva at this period. It is only its universality which can protect the League of Nations against the danger of using its political forces for other purposes than for the service of peace. Only on the basts of a community which includes all nations, without

distinction and on a footing of perfect equality, can the ideas of mutual assistance and justice become the true guiding stars of the destiny of mankind. It is only upon this foundation that the principle of freedom can be based, for which each people, as well as each individual, constantly strives. Germany has resolved to base her policy on the foundation of these lofty ideals. To all the nations assembled here, we can apply the words of the great poet and thinker who said that we belong to a species which strives from obscurity towards the light. May the great destinies of the League of Nations be fulfilled on the basis of the lofty conceptions of peace, freedom and unity. In that way we shall be able to draw nearer to the ideals to which we aspire, and it is the firm resolve of Germany to assist wholeheartedly in that task. M. Briand (France) spoke as follows: — Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I sincerely thank my colleagues on the General Committee of the Assembly for having allowed the delegate of France to follow the distinguished representative of Germany on this platform, to welcome the German delegation on its entry into this Assembly and to assure you that we are resolved to collaborate with that delegation, cordially and sincerely, in the work of pacification. My colleagues 'doubtless realised—and I thank them for it—that the presence of the delegate of France on this platform at this moment, after the eloquent and lofty words which you have just heard, would perhaps do something to emphasise the character of this occasion and make clear its significance, its consequences and all the hopes which the peoples of the world rightly centre in it.

And those who indulge in irony and detraction at the expense of the League of Nations, who daily cast doubt upon the soundness of this institution, and time after time proclaim that it is doomed to perish, what will they think if they are present at this meeting? Is it not a moving spectacle, and a specially ennobling and comforting one, when we think that only a few years after the most frightful war which has ever devastated the world, when the battlefields have hardly ceased to reek with blood, the peoples of the world, the same peoples who were hurled in combat against each other, are meeting in this peaceful assembly and are expressing to each other their common will to collaborate in the work of world peace?

What a renewal of hope for the nations! And I know that after the events of to-day there are many mothers who will look down at their children without feeling their hearts contract with fear.

Peace for Germany and for France: that means that we have finished with all terrible and sanguinary conflicts which have stained the- pages of history. No more shall we see our lands mourning for unappeasable sufferings. No more war! No more shall we resort to brutal and sanguinary methods of settling our disputes, even though differences between us still exist. Henceforth it will be for the judge to declare the law. Just as individual citizens take their difficulties to be settled by a magistrate, so shall we bring ours to be settled by pacific procedure. Away with rifles, machine-guns, cannon! Clear the way for conciliation, arbitration, peace! Gentlemen of the German Delegation, our nations need give no further proof of their strength or of their heroism. Both nations have shown their prowess on the battlefield, and both have reaped an ample harvest of military glory. Henceforth they may seek laurels in other fields. For many months now M. Stresemann and myself have been working together at the same task. I had every confidence; so had he. Ido not regret that confidence; I trust that he also will have no occasion to regret it. With the help of a man whose noble and generous spirit and sincerity are known to you all—l refer to my colleague and friend the first delegate of the British Empire, Sir Austen Chamberlain—we have worked together. Both of us needed all our courage in our endeavour to reach a goal which was then so distant. As the crow flies, Locarno and Geneva are not far distant from each other, but the road between them is by no means easy. It has to pass round many obstacles, and since we all admire faith when it moves mountains, we should certainly congratulate ourselves on the fact that it has brough. the Lake of Locarno so near to the Lake of Geneva.

If at the outset we had allowed ourselves to lose heart; if, influenced by certain manifestations of doubt, hesitation and mistrust which occurred in our countries, we had gone no further, all wquld have been at an end. So far from taking a further step towards peace, the seeds of renewed mistrust would have been sown between countries already divided.

The fact that we are both present in this Assembly and that, on the plane of the ideal, we can easily hold communion with one another does not destroy existsing obstacles. Such obstacles still divide us, as you, Sir, so tactfully indicated. Of this fact lam fully aware; M. Stresemann and I, each in our respective countries are in a position which enables us to perceive those obstacles, and the mere fact that he has left the Wilhelmstrasse and I the Quai d’Orsay, to meet here in the fair town of Geneva does not mean that these difficulties will disappear through the goodwill manifested in our words.

It is sufficient, however, if both of us, translating the deep-rooted feeling in our countries—and I can assure you that it is the feeling of my country—have the will to meet these various difficulties, firmly resolved to settle them by conciliatory means. That is enough to prevent any dispute between us from becoming an armed conflict.

It is especially those peoples who have not always been in agreement who have most need of the League of Nations; for, if it is true that there may be some divine plan whereby the nations will be brought to cease from making war on one another, M. Stresemann will readily agree that, during the long years of the past, this plan has been singularly disregarded. I would desire that from to-day onwards it might begin to be applied, and I you may be sure, shall prove no obstacle. I simply wish to say this: If you are here as a German and only as a German, and if I am here as a Frenchman and only as a Frenchman, agreement will not prove very easy. If we come here, not forgetting our respective countries, but as citizens sharing in the universal work of the League, all will be well, and we shall attain spiritual communion with our colleagues in that atmosphere peculiar to Geneva.

There are two spirits in which delegates may come to Geneva; the objective spirit and the fighting spirit. If the League has the appearance of a kind of tourney; if, under the stimulus of polemical debates or actuated by an overheated national sense of pride, we come here as champions to fight, with the desire to gain the perilous successes of prestige, then all is spoilt. Viciories of prestige bring no result save in appearance. Think of the havoc they have wrought in the past! Prestige stimulates the imagination, aggravates selfish interests, urges States on to feverish demonstrations of national pride and eggs them on to oppose the statesmen, who then lose the guiding rein of reason, the power to find moderate solutions. In such conditions it is impossible for statesmen to work in a spirit of conciliation. They face one another like wrestlers in the ring, with their peoples eagerly looking on and asking which is going to throw the other. That is the spirit of war; it is a spirit which must not exist—least of all in this Assembly.

For my part I promise to endeavour to avoid bringing this spirit here, and I count on the intelligence, the pacific spirit and the lofty sentiments of the German delegates to do the same.

If we are egged on against each other, if we are urged in interviews and speeches to oppose- each other, let us put aside all such temptations; let us put them far from us! That is the road of blood, the road of the past covered with the dead, the road of mourning, of fire and disaster. That is not our road. When Europe has regained its economic and moral equilibrium, when the peoples realise their security, then they will be able to cast away the heavy burdens imposed by the dread of war, they will be able to work together to improve their respective positions. There will arise at last a European spirit which will not be born of war, and for that reason be nobler, loftier and more worthy of admiration.

It is for us to make this effort. It is easy to blame the peoples, but it is generally their leaders who are to blame. It is they who should know how to control themselves, who should have a proper understanding of events and always interpret them in a spirit favourable to efforts of conciliation.

Arbitration! This word is now at the height of its prestige and its power. Arbitration treaties arc increasing; nation after nation is promising to abjure war and to accept intermediaries. Peace is making its way through all these undertakings. The spirit of the League is at the root of them; and for this reason all nations should devote themselves heart and soul to the League's defence. It should be sheltered from all attacks and placed above all other considerations.

With the League goes Peace! Without it, the menace of war and blood from which peoples have suffered too long! This day should be commemorated with a white stone. The noble words of collaboration just exchanged by Germany and France in a like spirit of sincerity should be marked with a white stone—and I certainly will not change the colour of that stone.