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The Dominion MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1919. THE IRISH PROBLEM

All who look at the matter without prejudice will agree that in itself the scheme of Irish settlement propounded by Mr. Lloyd George last week has a great deal to commend it. It is marked by a sincere desire promote a settlement in face ofdifficulties that arc almost if not quite insuperable. This, however, is far enough from meaning that there arc good prospects of putting such a schcmc into successful operation. Tho British Prime Minister's proposals commend themselves less as being likely to promote the settlement that is so much to be desired than as offering a nieans t of exhausting the possibilities of promoting such a settlement. Carried out,with couragc and initiative they offer m fact a means of placing on the right shoulders responsibility for the discord and lawlessness which have made the name 'of Ireland a by T vord. It is the almost insuperable difficulty to be overcome at the outset in attempting to forward any Irish settlement that a great part of the country seems to be given over hopelessly to vindictive disloyalty and lawless violence. ' The fact"lias to be faccd that the Sinn Fein, with its antiBritish policy and its tactics of assassination and outrage—tactics which find their latest and most conspicuous illustration in an attempt to murder the Viceroy, Lord French—is actively supported or passively tolerated by the bulk of the people of the South and West of Ireland. The infamous career of tho Sinn Fein and its standing with the people of Catholic Ireland go far to sustain the central contention of the Ulstor loyalists—that the only real division in Ireland is iietwecn those who support the Union and those who aim at its destruction. At the stage that has been reached no one would seriously suggest that the Sinn Feincrs and those who stand behind them are likely to be satisfied with self-gov-ernment on fair terms. Mr.. Lloyd George put the fuels mildly when he said in the House of Commons last week - that in the present position of Irish affaii's no proposals acceptable to Britain stood any chance of acceptance. Even in these exceedingly unfavourable conditions the * British Prime Minister's scheme of settlement has _ practical merit. Put into working shape it would demonstrate to the whole world not only that the British Government is anxious to deal generously with Ireland, but that it is determined to go to all possible lengths in attempting to promote a settlement in and w-ith that country. As llicy are outlined, the proposals contemplate an approach by a scries of defined steps to local self-government in Ireland, and leave it to Mic frith people and their representatives to determine the speed at which these steps shall be taken. The total and ultimate offer to Ireland is the greatest measure of sclf-goeonuncnt that is compatible with the integrity and security _of the Empire. As an initial step it is proposed that Ulster and the rest of Ireland, after being separately delimited by the best and most satisfactory method that can bo devised,, should each set up a Legislature to deal with local affairs. Provision is made also for the establishment of a Council of Ireland, consisting of representatives of both Legislatures, to link the two. sections of Ireland and arrange a joint administration of common services. The heart of the matter is reached in the proposal that the Irish Legislatures shall have full power, without further reference to the British Parliament, to create a single Irish Legislature if both sections desire it. The onus of promoting pr blocking Irish unity and local self-govern-ment would thus be placed where it belongs, and it can hardly bo argued that the accompanying conditions are in any respect unjust to Ireland. The offer of self.-govern-ment is definite and extends to all reasonable limits. The chief powers reserved to the control of the Imperial Parliament, and Crown relate to land and sea defence, foreign affairs, treason, and external trade and communications. A final decision in regard to the Customs is reserved, pending the achievement of Irish unity, and control of the higher judiciary is to a similar extent reserved. Under the proposals Ireland is offered real control of her purely domestic affairs. At the same time reasonable safeguards are provided, as for instance in tho stimulation that the members. <>f the Police Force, Civil Service, and Post Office should not be transferred until both parts of Ireland had united in asking for such a transfer. This seems to answer the contention of the Morning Pnsl. that the Government is proposing to hand over tho police to tho partv which is now shooting them. It is obvious that no real advance can be made towards self-government until conditions in Ireland have been transformed. But <it,is open to Irishmen to effect this transformation if they honestly desire local self-government, and when its proposals have been put into legislative shape the British Government will be entitled fairly lo claim that it has offered Irishmen every possible incentive to act on these lines.

About the prospects of settlement and reconciliation in Ireland there is little enough to be said. But it is important on all grounds, and not least with an eye to foreign relations, that the issues raised ; n Ireland should be so clarified that they cannot be misinterpreted or misjudged. In America, for instance, much energy has been expended in misrepresenting Irish grievances with a view to stirring up anti-British sentiment. Nothing will tend more to nullify such malignant activities than an evidently honest effort by the British Government to exhaust the possibilities of settlement in Ireland and a liberal offer of all the politick concessions Ireland has any right to demand. If in face of such an effort and such an offer the self-styled champions of Irish freedom deliberately reject a settlement and make it impossible their real character will be. even more apo.n>'"nt everywhere than it is now lo all '-o are not moved and actuated by blind hatred of the British Empire. One big question awaiting an answer concerns the attitude that Ulster will take up towards the new proposals. Such comments by Sin Edward Carson as have thus far been reported hardly suggest more than bis previous utterances that Ulster will look upon them kindly.

]f must be said in justice, however, thill tin; attitude of Ulster is lirst and foremost one of protest against the consistent I 'and aggravated disloyalty in other parts of Ireland which has so often found expression in word and deed. There is little douljl that any real development of the spirit of reconciliation in the South and West would be reflected in the North-Eastern counties. In any case such action in the interests of a- settlement as Mil. Lloyd George outlined last week will leave it plainly open to' the Irish people themselves to rectify what is now at fault in their political conditions. If no settlement results it at least will he demonstrated that the Irish problem is of Irish creation and arises chiellv from the support given by a majority of the people of Ireland to incendiary agitators whose one defined motive is irreconciliable hatred of the Empire with which Ireland, on all grounds of reason of justice, is indissolubly nnitcd.

Permanent link to this item
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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19191229.2.10

Bibliographic details
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Dominion, Volume 13, Issue 79, 29 December 1919, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,219

The Dominion MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1919. THE IRISH PROBLEM Dominion, Volume 13, Issue 79, 29 December 1919, Page 4

The Dominion MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1919. THE IRISH PROBLEM Dominion, Volume 13, Issue 79, 29 December 1919, Page 4

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