THE DUKE AND MR. SMILLIE

Dominion, Volume 13, Issue 8, 4 October 1919, Page 3

THE DUKE AND MR. SMILLIE

THE RML MEANING OF NATIONALISATION

A FRANK SPEECH

The Duke- of Northumberland recentlj addressed a meeting of Liverpool com- ,: mercial men on the" subject', ot the real meaning of nationalisation. The gatherum was promoted by the Liverpool Chamber, of OomiuereeY aim the lac u.ui u ,V X? oll ° oi tllß lUO3t -representative tho Chamber has held for many year* revealed (says the "Morning Post") the \ ™espvend interest in this burning topic, J. no Duke spoke with a force and a i conviction which gained general acceptance. No resolution was passed, but a yote of thanks to the speaker was warm- \ Jy „u an ' ie(l - Mr - G - A- Moore presided. *, the industrial' and political problems with whidi wo .have to deal are so many and so .complicated, said tho Duke, that , «-is sometimes difficult to, see, the wood for the trees. Tho cry of nationalisa- ! tion has suddenly been raised na a pana--1 cea for all the evils from which, we are suffering. It is important that the public should realise what aro tho ; forces behind, this movement and what its , aims really are. First and foremost is tho force of syn- / dicalism, represented by many of those who control the triple alliance of miners, railway, and transport workers, and also '< by certain other Labour leaders. The syndicalists, os was shown by the recent Southport Conference, have committed • themselves tntho policy of direct action, .with a view, to achieving, the same aimi) . as those of the Bolshevjki in Eussia. Like Russian Bolshevism, syndicalism, is anti-national. Its leaders "have utilised the disorganisation' caused by the war to foment revolution, to organise 'WorkeV and Soldiers' Councils, and to preach treason and sedition. I will digress for one moment to deal i with a complaint made by the president of the Miners' Federation . at'. Ivcswick, that I had treated him unfairly in say- ' ing in the House of lords that he had i fomented revolution and preached sedi- \ tion, and in adding that it was inconsistent with the dignity and honour of this country to moke any bargain with him. ', I have b?en reproved by at least one 1 organ of the Press for saying this, end havo been iold that I am increasing the bad feeling.between .masters and men.. -. ' ' i A Dangerous Revolutionary. Now, I should like to make it quite I olear that lam entirely unconcerned in the disputes between masters and men. I am'not a, colliery owner and.do not employ a singlo miner, and 60 far frdni . j taking the side of tho owners against the . workers, I believe the former are by no 1 means. free from blame. I have every ; respect and sympathy'for'the miners, all the more as they are being led into a course whish must entail luin for them- ' selves and disaster for their country. Mr. Smillie says that J! am defending my own , interests as a mineral owner. I can nsi' sure him that if 1* were I should cheerfully acquiesce.in Nationalisation at once, !, as tho most likely means of obtaining adequate compensation for my property. •• I bear him no grudge for suggesting that . I am actuated by low motives, although I make no such charge against him. -1 ! ' am, indeed, .most, anxious -,to avoid creating any,-impression that; tnorc is a per- ', sonal quarrel between Mr. Smillie and ' myself. On tho contrary, on the only 1 occasion when. I met him, at the 'Coal .' Commission, we had a. most amicable '■ conversation about land ownership and ■ housing, and I take this opportunity of ucknowledging the courtesy which he, in marked distinction to somo of his colleagues, displayed on that occasion. But Mr. Smillie will remember that I told him then that I knew perfectly well that his real designs were not what they ap- •, peared to bo on the surface, .that he was 1 working for revolution, and that I was \ fe'oing to spare no effort to frustrate these \ designs. Now, as Mr. Smillie thinks that .; I have cast aspersions on Ms honour by ' my remarks-in the House of Lords, J ■ take,..this . opportunity;,of .saying, that I 'believe-him -to-be ni-perfectly- ■honourable roan,-, whose word' is- as good as his'bond, but-that■ does-not"alter'the fact'that:h'O' is a dangerous revolutionary, who has been and. is now fomenting revolution-and sedition, and it is utterly inconsistent i with the dignity ! of any "self-respecting I Government 'to haVo any dealings' with liim whatsoever. He wants to know my reasons for saying, this. I have given i them beforehand Mr.-Smillie has not disputed their truth, but I will givo them again. Mr, Smillie's Record. . At the present time' .ha is trying to ' bring about a general strike in order to. paralyse industry and thus force the : Government to accept the nationalisation p of tho coal industry, entirely regardless of the wishes of tho majority of tho people of this country. In other words, it is an endeavour by force to substitute the will of. a,small,minority.of tho in-- , . babitants of this country for the will of the majority. • But worse than that— he advocates the adoption of the.samo 1 course of action'for tho attainment, of 1 political ends,' such as tlife abolition of ; compulsory service, etc. He knows per- ! fectly well that this can have one result only, the destruction of all constitjjtional government in this country. Such coni duct is revolutionary, seditious, and disloyal. But there i 3 even worse than , that. During the recent war, in tho ; crisis of this country's fate, in the hour of her greatest danger, he utilised her difficulties _to foment, revolution and preaoli sedition in that— (1) He did' his utmost, a few days before the war, to oppose our entering the • war, and stated that he hepsd it .would ' be'po3sible.by' a general strike all over Europe to stop the war. (2),. After the-outbreak of the Eussian t revolution he expressed the hope that a , 6imilar revolution .would follow in all other countries, including this. , (3) Ho advocated tho "forcing of the i Government to comply with Labour demands, if 'necessarv by doing what the 1 ' Ewsian people had done. ,: '(I) He presided at the Leeds Conference, on June 3, 1917j when an endeavour was made to organise workers',and sol- ]' dicrs' councils. The real aims of these bodies were clearlv indicated in- the . "Call" and tho "Herald," as being int tended to unite tho rank and hie of tho workers and soldiers iri a revolutionary V movement to end the war and to overj throw the existing social order.. (5) He _ advocated on soveral. occasions I the forcing of a premature peace by I Labour agitation. At the above-men-tioned Leeds Conference he said that it ', *as well agreed that the Allies could not .knock out the-Central Powers. .• • , (G) He advocated Hi" formation of a responsible and authoritative' body in this country comparablo to the All-K-ussian Soviet. (7) He advocated open revolution ,by stating that he would urge an audience of working men to "utterly refuse to re- . cognise tho Coalition Government and at ; once' form the Soviet Workers' tlovern- ',; ment." ■'. .(8) Ho advocated open rebellion by stat- ;' N ing that he hoped tllat if 300 Labour members were returned to. Parliament -, \ they would invite the Sinn Feincrs to "'■ come, over and.lieln them. , And now .1 ask. Mi. Smillie, does ho really pretend that these utterances are . not revolutionary, seditions, and disloyal? Does he really pretend that the man who utters them, however honourable or sincere he may be, is entitled to the trust and confidence of his countryBten; or that it is fitting- that the Government should enter'into any.bargain with him? Dealinn With the Nation. "Sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion." I wonder if it is has ever ocourred to Mr. Smillie that when English \ men and women go to 'church on Sunday niid pray Mat they may b& preserved from these evils, it is tho things which 1 he has been and is saying and doing ' that they mean when they use' those , words, and that it"is ho, above all others, : whom they have in their minds when they say them. I hopo that it gives him encouragement in the course which he is pursuing, I hope it enables him to sleep tho sounder at night, to feel that in this gre.it crisis the prayer is going up from ■millions that this country may be pre- ' served from him and such as him. I am -perfectly aware that Labour leaders are not accustomed to be address-

Ml in this manner. But he should remember that the times havo changed. 'Mo is not dealing now with a government or with a political party, but with tho British nation! There is not one standard for a Labour leader and another for you and me. If you and 1 had done theso things, wo should not as.k our fellow-countrymen to trust us. Why should he? And now I put it to him as an honourable man, that, having done these things, there is only one courso (.pen to him. It is to admii tho error of his ways, to urgo in mitigation of tho just condemnation of his countrymen (as I believo ho is entitled to do) that they wcro duo in large measure to hniddle-lieaded-ness and not to original sin, and to ask forgiveness of his country for tho way he'has treated her in her hour of need, to drop all his revolutionary nonsense, and to use his great iniiuenco with tho miners to assist the' Government in reorganising the industry on lines of co-operation and fellowship,'instead of on hatred and class war. He is utterly unfitted 'to lead a, revolution. He is neither clever enough nor bad enough to play the role of a Lenin or a Trotsky. Let him draw back before it is too late, become a peaceable, law-abiding subject of His Majesty, and devote himself to tho great work of reconstruction, for which his knowledge of the mining industry, his character and determination so admirably fit him. • ' . A Piece of Humbug. "Tho'alliance between the Socialists and the Syndicalists on the Coal Commission is a little- piece'of, humbug which it is desirable the public should understand. Nobody has. yet been able to explain satisfactorily why-the three members of the Fabian Society were appointed as Commissioners. They know ncthiiig ''about the coal industry; indeed, Mr. Sidney Webb, with surprising candour, stated in his evidence that it was no disadvantage to be unacquainted with its details, since those who actually • were engaged in it displayed a lamentable lack of. imagination. He has certainly supplied any lack there may have been in that respect. It wa3 stated when they were first appointed that they, wcro welcome to tho miners' leaders, and no doubt that was the sole reason for their selection. It is not the least of tho serious charges which can be brought against tho Government in connection with tho commission that they havo by this, course lent themselves to the deception . of the public, for deception it is. Tho Fabian Society neither knows nor cares anything about coal; their sole object is to achieve certain political aims and ideals, and the nationalisation of coal is merely a step towards the attainment of those aims/ Tho reason they have, allied themselves with tho Syndicalists is that both are determined to put an end to private enterprise, there their common purpose ends; but for that definite and limited object they are allied. The alliance serves both parties; it confers respectability on the Syndicalists to be associated with a body 'which has not yet repudiated every principle of right and wrong, and which possesses remarkable skill in tho exposition of economic fallacies; while, on the other hand, it enables tho Fabians to pose as the friends of the working man. Tho humour of the business lies in the fact that tho Fabians hoped to be the dominant element on tho Commission, and to use Mr. Smillie for their own purposeu, instead of which it is Mr. Smillio who has used' them for his, and, by signing a joint report yith the miners' representatives, they have given the latter a blank cheque which they are now using as an argument for direct action unless tho.ir demands nro granted. Now, direct action is a thing which, above all others, those Fabian gentlemen fear and detest, and there are, in consenuenco, probably few people in this country who are more dissatisfied with the results of the Coal Commission or more disquieted as to its ultimate effects than these three Fabians. But the point which I wish to impress upon you is that the real meaning of tho Report signed by half of the members of ths Commission purporting to bo' in favour of the nationalisation of coal is not a verdict in favour of the nationalisation of that industry at all, it is n prejudged verdict in favour of tho abolition of all private'enterprise and private property for the furtherance of the political 1 , aims of Syndicalists and Socialists. '""■;" Buying Votes. _ . It. now Tunning to consider why i this country, .finds itself''in this embarrassing I ahd'.'daiigerous situation. It lies, 1 think, mainly in the deplorable absence', of'any principle in the policy of the' Government towards Labour daring the past ten years. From the passing of the Trades Disputo Act in 1908 to the appointment of tho Coal Commission,.that pdlicy has consisted, in the 'buying of. votes by-legislative measures, accompanied by exaggerated promises, appeals to false sentiment, and by attacks on certain forma of property, designed' to enlist the support of Labour, not. by the redressing of their just grievances and the removal of the root causes of Labour unrest, but by appealing to tho baser instincts of humanity. Labour has seen through this policy, which has merely inspired contempt for the Government and has led to tho just conclusion that, as it was actuated by no-principle, it could bo induced to surrender to threats and RgitatJen,- whioh are a far more pffectivo means of obtaining what you desire than that of promising or withholdinu political support. Is it any wonder that tho working man has lest all faith in our rulers and turned in despair to leaders like Mr. Smillio and Mr. AY'illiams? They at least are far more 'successful in satisfying their immediate demands. What aro Old As;e' Pensions or Insurance' Acts: what is 9d. and 4d., compared with tho extra wage which Mr. Smil'lic has extorted from the Governmentf What success has the class war preached from Whitohall, compared with the divino gospel of discontent preached by the so. called lenders of Labour? We have sown the wind and reaped the whirlwind. We havo flattered the working man for so long that we dare not now toll him the truth. We 'have paltered with treason and played with sedition so long that wo dare not call those things by their proper names. Imagine what the situation miglit 1m) now in the Labour wotlil had half the energy, half the money, and half tiio oratory devoted to securing votes or tho sale of honours or the creation of unnecessary Government officials benn spent on ■discovering' the real reasons for Labour unrest, nnd in exposing the economic fallacies and pernicious doctrines which are its primary causes. A Parallel. ■We are now faced with precisely tho same positiou in regard to Labour as that with"-which we were faced befon> this war in regard to Germany. AVo are told by tho Government—as we were told thin-that it is fatal to tell tho truth, because to do so will only be to precipitate tho crisis. If we wero to warn tho country of its danger, Germany, so they said, would declare war. I; wo are to warn the country of its danger now, if we aro to warn tho miners and the railwaymen and the transport workers of nil tho disastrous consequences into which their leaders are trying to hurry them, the dangers wo most .wish to avert will only be precipitatedHf this be true, thou this country is lost. But is' it true!' Do not let us have any illusions about the real issues which aro at stake in.this question of nationalisation. That-movement, is based on tho supposition that the interests of Capitnl and Labour aro irreconcilable. That so impossible is tho position between these warring interests that the State niiwt, at whatover risk, take over tho industries. It is a great effort on the part of the. internal enemies of this country to utilise our difficulties to disunite and divide us; to break up that new-found solidarity which is the one great benefit conferred on us by the war. Those who are behind it are trying to break up tho unity of Labour as well as the unity of the nation. Some of them aro trying tu iaptiH'o tho trade* unious in the intercuts of "direct action" for political ends; ivhile others are trying tu break up tlm Snides union movement altogether because Ihey realise.that the great ma?s of labour represented by trades unionism is apposed to anarchy nnd the overthrow of jxisting institutions. That "Open Mind." And in face of this situation the GovU'liineut tell us that l;iey iiii\e an mji'-:i miiul. The country is looking lu them 10-day lo give a lead, and in<lci»l 'hey ;ive them an open mind. The children ire ask.iig for uraid and are given a ■tone. No one will deny that their posiion is very difficult, even dangercu.?; but ho longer they hesilnle the more dangornis it will become Even the- rober c!enont in Labour, despairing of any liopo

from tlio Government, is tending to drift more and more towards tlio Bolsheviks, who at least have a policy and have acquired that influence which comes from appealing to the worst elements in human nature. Tho time has come to discover whether somo of those who purport to bo leaders of Labour are or aro not its real leaders. The only reason that the Government is not trusted is because it has shown that it can bo squeezed on any. occasion. If it shows now.that it cannot be squeezed; that it believes in firm government;'that it will adhere to its principles regardless of any consequences; that it will have no dealings with individuals who are the enemies of soc.cty and the enemies of tho nation; and if it appeals in this crisis to the patriotism of the country in general and of Labour in particular, it will receive tho most astonishing response from the great mass of Englishmen. But if this policy is to be successful the™ is no time to iw lost. Tt is essential that the Government should at onco declare that it is utterly opposed to nationalisation in any form of . any industry until this policy has been submitted to tlio country at a general election, that it will remove State control as far as possible from industry as the sole means of restoring confidence and reviving trade and commerce, that the only course for tho removal of labour unrest is co-opera-tion on the lines of the recent industrial conference, and that all its resources and good offices will be devoted to securing that object. Why. Not the Truth? As tho Government admit they have no policy in regard to the-present crisis in the coal industry, perhaps they will not think it very presumptuous to offer one or two suggestions. One thing is certain. Further surrenders on the lines of last March mutt entail disaster. Why not issuo a statement to the country in general, and to the miners in particular, showing exactly'-what the real intentions of the executive of the Miners' Federation are, that those intentions m«an revolution and anarchy, and that for the miners- to slriko in order to enforce those aims is inconsistent with their character as loyal citizens.! Further, that behind all this agitation there aro Bolshevist agents who aro trying to exploit the miners for their own ends, and Bolshevist money, and that the purpose of these' people is to reduce this country .to the level of Russia. That this being the case, danger of serious disorder threatens the country in tho event of a general strike, that the Government is determined to maintain law and order at all costs, that it thereforo appeals in this crisis to all patriotic citizens in general,'and to the miners in particular, to support, it in doing so. That, by way-of-showing its determination to enforce this policy, it invites all citizens to enrol themselves, in a ciyic guard for the pres -rvation of order in caso of emergency, .and that it will show its supremo-confidence in the loyalty and patriotism of the miners by inviting them to enrol first and giving, them the place of honour in this national citizen . force. Their answer will, I believe, bo precisely (no same answer as they gave when, the Government asked them to enrol to fight another enemy, no less dangerous to the sDcurity of their country. Until some such action as this is taken Mere can bo no assurance that the fruits of the victory-we have just won will not be bartered for a rain illusion or sacrificed to the clamour of treason. Not until then can we set forth on the path of reconstruction with confidence in the Government and faitli in the future of our country..