THE CASE FOR IRELAND

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 307, 23 September 1919, Page 6

THE CASE FOR IRELAND

Sir.—ln commenting in your leading article on Tuesday upon the Permoy outrage you say that the attack of the soldiers upon the inhabitants was the natural and logical sequel of what went before. Why not carry your argument a little further, and admit in that case that quito probably the attack upon tho soldiers was the logical and natural outcome of what the inhabitants had endured at their hands? In all the cases of outrnKCs that have been cabled to this country the causes have soldoni, if ever, been stated, and yet outrages are seldom done without reason, as the whole history of Ireland in the past has shown. This 1 do know, from figures and facts in niv possession, that in Limerick on March 4, 1918, one of the so-called outrages was caused by the fact that Limerick men objected to the behaviour of Endish soldiers towards Irish girls, and in return English soldiers charged the crowd that gathered with batons, badly injuring some of the men. At Kilkenny on July 2, because the crowd cheered Irish prisoners on their way to gaol, a baton chiirfce wfis ordered. At Galway, on July 10, a girls' hockey match was stopped by q, baton charge of the police. These are facts' that appeared in Irish newspapers passed by the English censor. The Sinn Fein Society, as everyone •knows bv now, was formed for the purpose of winning Irish independence, and until lately, even under such provocation as made C. Chesterton ask, during the course of his visit to Ireland "Was it Prussianism or Prussia that the English wore lighting?" they maintained a hold upon themselves. Is it any wonder, judging by the fuels that have been leakins; out of late, that that self-control has at last broken down in some quarters? In your article your speak of Ireland's wealth. That wealth was created by her own industry, and had it. not been for the food with which. she supplied England during the war, and by means of which she made much Of her wealth, it is possible tho war might have ended differently for tlio Allies. Next to tho United States. Ireland was the greatest food supplier that England had, and it was well for England that Ireland fought tho blood tax that the former would have levied upon her—a blood tax that no nation lias the right to levy upon another. Otherwise starvation would havoconie very close to England. That Ireland is over-represented in the English Parliament to-day is one of tho heaviest indictments against English government, because at the time of the Union Ireland was under-represented. That population should have decreased to the extent of millions unoer English rule is hardly a tribute to its success. Later on. in the course of your article, you state that there are a number of taxes that are paid in England but not in Ireland. That is truo to a certain extent. In Ireland tho people do not pay inhabited house rent, railway passage duty, and so forth, but these are insignificant. In 18Gi tho Conservative Government in England went so far as to admit overtaxation by setting up a commission whoso chairman, Sir Stafford Northcote, stated that England was the most lightly taxed and Ireland the most heavily taxed country in Europe. This was endorsed bv another Conservative member, Mr. Goschen. as well as by the Orange leader Mr. Saunderson, who, in lSilfi, called upon the Nationalists to join in a demand for a Royal Commission. As a result of this Commission, known as the Childera Commission, in IS9G, ■ it was announced that more a year was taken out of Ireland by England than the latter had any right to claim. It was. further stated by this Conservative Commission, coinirosed mainly of Englishmen, that England owed Ireland considerably over ,£100,000,000, the result of over-taxa. lion during half a century. That debt has never been paid, nor has taxation decreased. On the contrary, it has increased greatly. As you say, the results of the.Fermoy incident are likely to be far-reaching. America, through her correspondents hears far more of the truth aoout things in Ireland, and she has shown her sympathy with ui'e republican canst of Ireland by the .Mentions she has given De Valera an« by the loan she has placed at the disposal of the Sinn Fein cause- That being so, it is likely that America will have something to say to this eudden obliteration of Ireland's claim to selfdetermination ; self-determination of weaker jiationa being one of the causes for which wo were- told we were fightiiig. It may well prevent America's ratification of the Peace Treaty. Already she has declared herself in nti measured terms sick of the sordid intriaues and dishonourable- bargainings of Fmropean politics. Months ago Austin Harrison, in the "English Review," staip(l that upon the peaceful settlement of Ireland might depend the weal or woe of the whole world. It would seem so. Phillip Gibbs, who has., been visiting America lately, wrote that never in her history had America been so stirred over Irish affairs, and that the situation remviral skilful treatment. And instead we have tho blundering foot of England accompanied by all the Prussianism we set out to fight.—l am, ntc,