The Dominion SATURDAY, AUGUST 30, 1910. AMERICA AND THE LEAGUE

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 287, 30 August 1919, Page 6

The Dominion SATURDAY, AUGUST 30, 1910. AMERICA AND THE LEAGUE

An announcement that President Wilson is about, to start on a spccchmaking tour on behalf of the Peacc •Treaty should mean that the United States Senate will no'c he able much longer to. withhold its decision in regard to that document and • the League of Nations Covenant. The President's tour is not avowedly or in its immediate aspect, an attempt to bring pressure to bear on the Senate. On the "contrary, since, his return from France last month Mr. Wilson has expressed a definite and positive expectation—these adjectives are' employed by a Washington correspondent—that the Senate will ratify the Treaty without objectionable reservations. ■ Much tli'c' same opinion is expressed by observers who have established a reputation for independent impartiality. The New York Post, for instance, observed recently that: "Everybody knows that the Treaty with the League .of Nations is eventually going to be ratified by an overwhelming majo'rity in the Senate." No doubt, however, this confidence rests. in no small degree upon a belief that the country will respond readily and, heartily to such an appeal as President Wilson is able to make, and so give to the attitude and action of Senators hostile to the League of Nations more clearly than ever the aspect of. a forlorn hope. A survey of the 'Situation at this stage suggests that although President' Wit-soN has leeway to make up in some direc-, tions his position on the whp}e is strong and assured, and gives him every prospect of securing the triumphant vindication of his work at the Peace Conference. • Even his supporters admit-that he has suffered some loss of prestige in recent months. It has been-urged against him_ that particularly", since the armistice he has been too headstrong and oracular, , and at the .same time unduly • secretive, and that he has to.some' extent lost touch.with-the trend of popular feeling. Many of those, who perceive an element of truth in these charges, and affirm that Mr.' Wilson is not as popular as he was, also declare, however, that ' the overwhelming- mass of American opin-" ion is- that the States is bound to take afuM part in main-taining-the peace it assisted to reestablish. Doubts as to. the best means of doing this may still bo widespread, but there seems ; every reason to believe that a nonpartisan appeal by the President for.support in a-policy'which aims definitely at- safeguarding world peace will evoke a ready response. To appearance, it is open to. Mr. •" by ; getting ■ into intimate with the people and exerting his gifts of persuasion, to largely eliminate the impression of autocratic aloofness he has, conveyed' since the armistice,' and more particularly during his attendance at prp. Conference.... The possib.uiticsrof such a toiiv as. he is about to , undertake ■ • are temperately summed ui) by the St. Louis I'ostr DUpatcli:— ; . . Although some of the leaders of the opposition are moved bv unworthv motives it'would be a gross blunder'to assume that all doulits'and .fears are based Jipon unworthy motives. ~ There are thousands who have genuine doubts and tears and who do not understand. doubters must be handled with sympathy and, courtesy. Sincere questions must be answered with friendly reasoning. Wo •.believe that a great, an overwhelming th ? People want the Lengue, hut -m this crisis, when peace and 'prosperity and even civilisation hang in the"' balance ' no arrogant mistakes should be rnade-aet the opposition''do the blunderNo doubt it is very much in this spirit that the President is ; setting out upon his tour. It is not without a bearing on .-the position, however, that some discussion has turned on the possibility that extreme opposition to the ratification of-, the Treaty might drive him to i l £ ai s- noi ? t , est he Presidency, for the Republicans, the.gravity of such ;.r prospect' is measured by the fact that their party is already seriously split on the issues of peace. Even in the Senate they are not wholly united, and in the country the Republican leaders jn the Senate, have ,beto loundly accused of guiding their party, into, a blind alley and endangering: its otherwise assuredprospects of'capturing the Presidency next year. At present it seems -likely that Mr. Wilson will best _ promote .. his purpose of Securing " the ratification • of the Treaty and League Covenant by, speaking from the .broadest non-partisan standpoint, but this opinion rel?ts in no, slight degree upon the fact that the Republicans as a party have everything to fear from pressing the contest to an extreme on partisan lines. With good prospects of getting the country solidly behind him so tar as intern atio'nal issues arc conicerned, Mr. .Wilson s already! strongly placed to deal with any Opposition the Senate may attempt. •d Is , eS3 cnfcial weakness of the Republican .leaders and' Senators who oppose ■ the Treat,f and the League Covenant in their present ,? rm that their objections are' negative in character, and that they offer no practical alternative to full partnership m the League of Nations as, a means of "safeguarding w oi Id peace. It would be a wearisome matter to follow out in di tai .l all the resolutions and-argu-ments m which they have elaborated their case, but they ,have relied mainly upon the contention that by ratifying the. League Covenant as part and parcel of the Treaty the United States would he committed dangerously to participation in future disputes in all.parts of the world, and tiossibly in wars. Carnod to-a logical conclusion, however, their-objections would involve a return or rather an attempted return to the -policy of isolation formerly favoured by the United >Sbates. President Wilson has already been at, some pains to iinswer and dissipate the doubts and fears of his Senatorial critics.' On a i'ecent occasion lie explicitly denied that the League Covenant hound the United. States to go to war without action by Congress, and emphasised the point'that nothin" , I , n , t' 10 , treaty or Covenant would bind that country'to act if Congress did not wish to do so. All the Executive would do, he said, would be to recommend action, but Congress would cxnrcisc its consti- ' rational functions to agree or disagree i'/ith • the .Executive., ' This way-scrnn to reduce the .'constitution |

of the League to a shadow, but the true bearing of the matter was brought ou(; by Mu. Wii.son in his address to Senators-on his return from France. He said on that occasion:— 1

A league of free nations luul become a practical necessity. Examine tjic Treaiy of Peace, and vou will find that everywhere throughout its manifold provisions its trainers have felt obliged to turn to the League of Nations its an indispensable instrumentality for the mnintemuuc of the new order it. has been their purpose to Bet up in the world—the world of civilised men.

The League Covenant is here pictured as first of all an essential support of the Peace Treaty, lacking which it' would fall to the ground. That view is certainly justified, and since all but a few of the Bcpubl'ican Senators approve nearly everything that the Treaty (as "distinct from the League Covenant) contains, the first problem set' the objectors is to show how the Treaty can be enforced, without establishing the League. It is cquallv plain, howcvcr v . that the need of organised measures to maintain the new order will not pass within any limited period, and that the .League Covenant is not an instrument for saddling nations with obligations which they would have repudiated if they coukl have foreseen them, but the only hopeful means of limiting the likelihood of future war Undoubtedly the Senate when the hour of decision arrives, to face the simple and direct "question whether the United States is to accept or repudiate the duty of co-operating' to maintain world peace,' and ■to that micstion only one answer seems possible.