THE FUTURE OF THE EMPIRE

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 286, 29 August 1919, Page 9

THE FUTURE OF THE EMPIRE

TIME TO CONSULT THE PEOPLE (To the Editor.) Sir,—Tho timo is ripo for a reference to tho peoplo of tho question of tho constitutional development of tho Empire. The Imperial War Conference of 1917 resolved: "That Iho adjustment of the constitutional relations of tho component parts of the Empire is too important and intricate a subject to bo dealt with clurioK the war, anil that it should form the subject of a special Imperial Conference to bo summoned as soon as possible after tho cessation of hostilities.' . Within the last few days, a cablegram from New York reports that n Bill \s being drafted for submission to tho British Parliament in September, providing for thp reorganisation of the Empire on 'federal lines. The probability is that what is in preparation is some constitutional framework te form n basis for discussion at the special Imperial 'Convention that is likely to meet early next year. I call it a convention, because the reference to the preparation of a Bill indicates that our representatives nre to have a draft document before 'them for I con.iidpr.Mion. This they can either rebecfc altnnrether. in which case we shall have taken one step towards sewation, or amond nnd alter as they will. If they adopt Mho latter course, there will be a concrete proposal, a .-Ipfinire i.'rnn for the government of the Empire ihat can be laid before its peoples for l> eir adoption or rejection, and we shall have taken a hiff step forward towards the closer union of tho Empire. Not that the convention by meeting, framing a plan of' government, and submitting it to the electorates, in deciding anything. "It is simply making it possible for the pnoplo at large to'decide these questions for themselves if they will." ' It is high time Hint the peoplo had definite issues 'submitted to them* and made up (heir minds thereon. The Empire is now at the parting of the ways, nnd it behoves every citizen to study the Question for himself, and to 'Vide whether ho wishes the Empire to endure, united and federated, or to separate ; nlo independent Sovereign States, a conrse involving the dissolution of the Empire and'the destruction , of British: citizenship. Disguise.the question as we may by references to councils and co-uperi-tion, this issue, federation or separation, is staring- us in tho face. At which goal we aro to aim will depend largely iipon the attitude • of our statesmen at the convention. Their-attitude will depend upon the mandate that the neople givo to them. .But so far the electorates have been given no information upon which to base a mandate. It is time for the people first to educate themselves and then to educate the politicians, who are apt to be opportunists, to avoid difficulties,/and not.to take long views. Tho wnivtho Peace Conference, and the formation of. the League of Nations, havo forced upon us the necessity for a prompt decision of vital importance/not only to the Empire but to the wo rid at large, as to-the relationship, not in' tho dim and distant future, but-hero and now, ;of the component parts of the British Empire to each ; other, and to foreign nations. . ■

In March, 1915, the "Round' Table,'•' in urging consultation and an understanding between the British and Dominion Gbvornnlents prior to the peace negotiates, said:

"The dominions can no more.be «,p----arately liepresented on. a European Conference than their owu different piovincee and States can be separately represented in an Imperial Confcreno. If the-British Empire is. to lemnin a •single Stale it cannot-speak in an international assembly with the voice of several "Governments. The result may best bo imagined if the' German and Austrian• Empires were likewise to:be represented .by separate-delegates i'""m Prussia, Bavaria, Austria, Hungary, Saxony, Bohemia, arid so on Ihrougn tho list of their chief kingdoms and principalities. The German Empire will commit ao such follies. - If the British Empire- werj to show any signs of coinniit'ting' theiri '• ifwoukl suffer-incalculauly, both-in. .the settlement, and afterwards. It is. equally plain that the British plenipotentiaries cannot., be responsible to several different Governments. Their supreme instructions must come ii'oni the British Governnient, whose servants •they will be, if ,tne common cai;ee is not to suffer as much as it would n-om the appointment of separate representatives."

: This. was tho view of the position tacitly accepted before the war. The peoples of the Empire had never been consulted as to how they should be iepresented at the Peace Conference , ; and ns for.the League of Nations, that was a mere pious aspiration. What <Hd ha.ppen at tho Peace Conference and', tho bearing of the events there upon the future of the Empire, are set out in an article in tho .Tune number of the "Round Table" entitled "The League .of Nations and the British Commonwealth." At tho Conference the British Empire was represented by iive plenipotentiary delegates; Canada, Australia, South Africa, and India, bv two each; and New Zealand by one. It was further provided that the.representatives of the Dominions (including Newfoundland) and of India could be included in the representation: of tho British Ertipiro by means of tho panel system. Thus, the British Empire as a. whole was represented and also the self-governing Dominions as 6epivratc smaller States, a dangerous and ambiguous position. Peace was to be 6igned by representatives of the Dominions and India.as well as by .representatives of the United Kingdom. By Article X. of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to which tho Govern' nients of tho Dominions are to put their immes, each Dominion, as well as the United Kingdom, is to "undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all the mombei'3 of the League." The movement of hostile forces against any frontier in Europe therefore will commit not only the' United Kingdom but each and evory Dominion to war.

While the Dominions are individual members of.the League of Natious, with the status of minor independent States, entitled to.bo eunuuoned to attend'the Council on matters especially alVecting them, to bo elected to the Council by tho minor States, the British Empire is entitled as of right to one representative with one vote on tho Council. "So long as the two Anglo-Saxon Coimnonwealtha occupy by right seats on the Council, tho minor States will never agree to accord an additional placo to other communities of the same stock." There boing room for only ono representative for'each great Power on tho Council, tho question that had to be decided was whether the representative of the United Kingdom was to speak for the Dominions or not. On the other hand, us tilings are, ho must be a man anewerablo only to , tho electorate of the British Isles, in no way nmonnble to the votes of the Dominion electors. On tho other, the onlv alternative was to embody in the. Covonant a declaration of independence on tho part of the Dominions. • Tli9 former alternative was taken as the only course that left the question open for the people to decide for themselves fit leisure and in full knowledge of the issues involved.

The decision cannot he Ion? postponed. Tho Covenant (says the "Hound Table") "■presupposes an amendment of tho British Constitution to bring the two into harmony with each other. The Great Powers of Hie 'world have been told Hint in conference with them a representative anieniblo only to vote* cast by British electors; holds tho mandates of Dvo other electorate:!. In fact, we knov>' tlmt ho will not do so. His place will depend on votes cast in tho Parliament and by the electorate of the British Isles. lie can, to the best of his ability, listen to and voice public opinion in the Domin. ions as e.M.re.wfid through their Govern, ments. liut. no British citizen in tho Dominions cim cast a vote which operates to.dismiss him, and I lie spokesman whom voters cannot dismiss by their votes they do not control. The position cannot bo long continued. The representative, of the' British Commonwealth in the Ooimeil of Nations must be mnde •uiswerable to British uitizcus in the Dominions no less than, and in. just tlio same mnmier as, 'to British citizens in I ho Unilcd Kingdom; or else, in the not distant future, the nation he does not in fact represent >vill disavow him. The peoples of these Dominions arc approaching a fateful issue, in wliich they will decide for themselves whother, as British oitbere of ft world-wide Commonwealth,

to assume obligations for ordering the peace of the world, for moulding tho future of mankind, or whether, renouncing that status, as aliens to the Commonwealth, to content themselves with such place in the world's counsels as by tho logis of facts minor States nlone can find. They have to choose between such responsibilities as will now fall to tho lot of citizens of the- United States and of citizens of South American republics. Tho gift which the League of Nations offers them is trouble," the high privilege of bearing the troubles of mankind. A. more fntvful issuo was never presentoa to deliberate choice."

The Australian article in the same issuo of the "Hound Table" points out the result of tho continuance of the position thus created at tho Peace Conference. "Prima facie" it says "the International Status accorded to tho Dominions would involve the right of each of them to pursue and voice its own policy in the Conference mid in the League a policy which need not I'o in accord with that of the British Government, and may be in accord with that of other Governments, and the right to pursue that policy in association with other Governments against Great Britain. . . .President Wilson, seeking to reconcile his countrymen to the quantum of British representation in the League of Nations, calls attention to the improbability that in practice tho British nations will be found in agreement." The writer points out that representation as a separate nation formed no part of Australia's expectation, and that she has as yet no conception of il.s implications or the responsibilities its imparts. (The same may be said of tho other dominions.) He continues:—"The British are not a logical people in their political arrangements; but to bo and not to be, is a question wliie'li to answer will tax all our political acumen. Whether the League of Nations becomes u reality or not, a step lias, been taken which will bu found to involve serious permanent changes. Tho most obvious of these is the precedent for the establishment of direct relations between the dominions nnd foreign countries. The summoning of an Imperial Conference at the earliest practicable moment, to consider the Constitution of the British Commonwealth has become a matter of urgent necessity." Why do we find'ourselves in this position? Chiefly, because our politicians, whenever they met. in conference talked of everything else but the political relations ot the various parts of the Empire and discountenanced concrete proposals. In their own countries they frowned upon any attempt to formulate such proposals or to discuss in a practical form tho constitutional development of the Empire. The average citizen, being left in the dark in these matters,' has hitherto looked upon foreign, affairs as.- something that do not concern him much, and Imperial Conferences' as devices for giving il trip Home to our statesmen, pleasant gatherings at which there is much cry and little wool, and which result in io committal of the dominions to anything. Jlcwiwhilc, tho United Kingdom looks after oui , diplomacy and our foreign affairs, and the British taxpayer foots the bulk of the bill. ».nd when the Dominion' leaders return, tney giv'o us practically .no information, they shake their heads eagely, and say they have discussed matters of vital importance to the Empire, ami that information of great significaiao has been revealed to them, but "Alum's Iho word." And "uinm" remains the wurtl. Meanwhile, by .their deliberations in private and by their actions at conference and councils, our statesmen are committing their peoples without ever having consulted them or received from them any mandate. A mandate has been impossible, no issue'has been submitted to the country, and no information, supplied to the electorates on which' they e<.uld arrive at a decision.

. No mandate, for 'example, was ever given for.the following positions in which .wo seem to be involved by tho .proceedings of. our statesmen:— (a) .Representation of tho Dominion as. u separate nation At the Peace Conference. • ..' . (')))■ Representation of the Dominion as <t separate nation on the League of Nations..... (c) The. establishment of direct relations. between ,the .D.ominion and. foreigncountries. "' ' . '• (d) The liability of each Dominion, without njiy consultation with 'the of tho Empire and no matter what-the .inenaos to it elsewhere, to go to war if u'ne Balkan State attacks another. (e) The liability of tho Dominion as a separate nation to answer for its actions, not to tho Empire-as a whole, but to the League of Notions, including the Dominion's responsibility to Ihe League to answer for the government of the-former German territory committed to its care. (f) The settlement by the League of differences between different Dominions. (g) The liability of the Dominion to contribute towards the expenses of the administration of the League. There are here all tho materials available to enable hostile nations to embroil tho different units of the Empire in disputes with quo another to the great satisfaction of jealous antagonists.. The people of Now Zealand have had not the slightest opportunitv of expressing even the most informal opinion on these subjects. And whon the Peace Treaty and the Covenant of the League of Nations, faits accomplis, are presented to thrm fnr endorsement, they cannot repudiate the actions of their representative*. It become? nV. the more necessary, therefore, that the people should "know exactly what points aro to br> discussed at the forthcoming Convention, and ehonld bo able to express some sort of opinion thereon. There should.at least bo a full statement by our leaders of Parliament ou.tho subject, and a discussion in the House on tho question, so that candidates for Parliament at the general election may be in a position to ay tho questions at issue intelligently before the. electors and express their opinions on the subject. The question is not an academic one, for wilhout the support of the Navy of Great Britain, New Zealand's existence would 1)9 ]iid eG d precarious, and; on the other hand, without the support of the Dominions, tho taxpayer of the United kingdom will fall exhausted under the staggering burden Hint he is now bonr»ir. Nor could thp world ward with etiiiammUv (he fi>ioT. o f H* "c,in>-t si(fm.ost Hint if ha* see,,, Hmt it will evening y I, P po? . si i ll(x ,„ jh , „„ £ ami all nations muW Hin' rule of law" vJ ! i m^; iWf t0 ""'h l Ihe British Empire, hound by He,, of rare. n r ml ,n,on t<.'i?ne and coromen trnditin.-,, , v ), e t 1)(K . siblo chance is tW of holding towther a heterogeneous Nnti on =?-T am, etc., TT. ?. VON FA ART