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SINN FEIN

A VISIT TO HEADQUARTERS

TALK WITH THE LEADERS

(By "E.W.," in the "Daily Mail.")

I recently had a lew hours \it my disposal in Dublin. 1 determined to visit tiie Simi Fein headquarters and learu ironi the leaders of tne movement something of their aims and aspirations. The sun ivas shining brightly, 'vtte sky was a cloudless bine, and St. Stephens Green was looking its best. The kco» air was delightfully invigorating and the water of inc lake sparkled in the sun. The park was deserted save for a couple of wanderers, the park-keepers, and the happy family of ducks and waterfowl whicii were enjoying undisputed possession of their little kingdom. I walked past the artificial lake-to the statue of King George the Second, in the centre of the park, along tne deserted paths to the iar side of the square. Stillness was the prevailing impression, and tlie memories of Easier "Week, 1916, seemed like a bad dream. At the Head Centre, The Sinn Fein headquarters are situated at 6 Harcourt Street, a fair-sized ordinary Dublin house. Tlie ground tioor is occupied by the Sinn Fein bank, anu the office premises are at the back and on the first lloor. As you approach the buildiug the broken windows catch vonr attention and remind you of tne excitement of armistice night. I went into flic general office and asked lor Father U'Flaungan, the present leader of tne movement, only to learn that he was absent at Hoscommon. Three young men were occupied in doing up parcels of comforts destined for tho Siun Fein prisoners in England from their faithful rollowers. The room Has untidv, but there was plenty of activity. One o"f the young men, seeing that J had come in search of information, left his parcels and entered intra conversation. There were bundles of literature lying about, and he gave mo a selection of election pamphlets. - The conversation was just becoming interesting, when a young woman, with short hair, smoking i cigarette, said: "Will you come up to see the honorary secretary ?" 1 followed her and found myself in the first-floor office, on tlie mantelpiece of which were a large portrait of De Valera and a bust of Count Piunkett. From here the widespread activities of Sinn Fein are directed. In addition to the young woman there were two youug men, one the hon. secretary, Mr. H. iloland, and the other Mr. J. T. O'Keliy, the director of organisation. Later on tiro or three young men strolled in. The first impression I derived was that of youth. The Sinn Fein movement is run by young men, and they unquestionably understand their fellow-country-men. As a result Young Ireland to-day is overwhelmingly Sinn Fein. The secretary was a pleasant young Irishman, intense, enthusiastic—fanatical, if you will—alianie with love of his country.

What Ireland Wants. - For two hours we talked in the friendliest manner. I let the young enthusiast tell me about the political creed which has swept the polls and captured, anyhow for the time being, the imagination ot three-quarters cf Ireland.

Hero is the essence of Sinn Feinism. Ireland is a nation, geographically, historically cthnologically. Ireland lias nothing to say to England, her hereditary foe, whom she cordially hates. Ireland wants to run her country herself; she has had enough of foreign domination. If the British Empire went to war to save Belgium and really stands for the self-determination of all peoples, how can it refuse to listen to the unmistakable voice of the majority of the Irish people?

Then the two leaders referred with pride to their wonderful organisation which has brought them such a sweeping victory, and stated that they proposed carrying on an active propaganda till they had converted a majority in Ulster to their doctrines.

But their ramifications were worldwide, and : till Great Britain listens to the voice of Ireland they would continue to ferment trouble for • her. In the United Slates, Australia, and elsewhere they would' act as a constant thorn in the side of Groat Britain. In America in the past tho Irish vote had kept the United States and the British Empire apart; it was the Irish vote which had prevented nn Anglo-American entente or alliance. The Sinn Fein organisation would continue to keep the United Stales and Great Britain apart, and no real Anglo-American'understanding was possible till Ireland's right .to self-determin-ation had been acknowledged.

Mr. Boland, who fiad taken part in the insurrection in 191R, had spent 15' months in Portland Gaol. He said ha liked many Englishmen, but hated England—bv England he did not mean Scotland or Wales. Many of the Sinn Fein leaders are teetotallers; they are intensely religious, they are altruistic, and prepared to give their lives to their country—lreland. Ulster's View. From the ' Sinn Fein headquarters I walked a couple of hundred yards to lunch with an Ulster friend of profound learning. His library is one of the beststocked I have found in any part of the British Empire. His view is that, given five years, Sinn Foinism will die a natural denth; that what Ireland wants for the next forty or fifty years is firm government; that Dominion Home Rule for Ireland is out of the question; that there' is no solution to the Irish question at the present time; that Ulster has little in common with the rest of Treland, and. her one desire is to draw closer to the United Kingdom. Here, then, are tho two extremes of Trisb opinion. Was ever statesmanship confronted with a more perplexing problem? The great war is over nnd its ninnifnld problems are in a fair way towards solution, but the Irish problem remains the one black spot in our Imperial record. How nearly the Irish Convention came to finding a solution is not generally realised, and if it did nothing else, it taught us that ther» is n moderate opinion in Ireland. What are we to do? We cannot confess failure and adopt a policy of driftthat is the sure way to disaster.- Wo all believe in the freedom on which the British' Empire is based, We have seen what self-government and free institutions have accomplished in Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. Cannot all of us who have the real welfare of Ireland at heart aim at capturing the imagination of Young lrelandhowever hopeless tho task may seem? Let us not call young Irishmen disloyalists who passionately love their country, but let us try to be patient. Let us demonstrate that in tlie British Commonwealth of Nations-which is a league of nations already in existence-there is full scope for the intense of Irishmen and Irishwomen. In our Empire there is room for tlie two patriotisms, and therein lies its glory-tho patriotism to Ireland or Scotland or Australia, as the casi) may be, and the wider patriotism to tho Empire as a whole. , ~ . T . . Let us explain to these Sinn lein Irishmen once tor all that we do not expect them to be "loyal" to England; that our conception of Empire is a group of partners or sister-nations in which no country will predominate where all art needed. Ireland has a great contribution to make to the common cause of humanity; we want her imagination, hei enthusiasm, her idealism. Cannot we give her tho fullest measure of dominion Homo Rule at the earliest possible moment? The old repressive policy has failed. Caimot wo persuade Irishmen that there are thousands ol Englishmen who, in spite ot the wild talk of Sinn Fein,- love her dearly ami whoso only desire is to welcome her as u, partner in tho truo sense-an Ireland rich, prosperous, and contented? Cannot we help Ireland to build up her industries, to develop her waterpower, to open up her mines, to construct great ports and harbours, and by our actions show that any thought of English domination is gone for ever? The best business brains of this British Empire should be lent to Ireland in this period of reconstruction. Let us concentrate on the economic aspect of Ireland's future. Let us pay back the wild words of hate of Sinn 'Ji'em •» practical acts of kindness and brotherhood. Let us forget the past mistakes on both sides, . ,

Loving our own country as we do, wo ran understand the Irishman's passionate love of his beautiful island. If only we could approach (he Irish problem from tins standpoint, even the citadel of Sinn Feinism could, nut long withstand our onslaughts,

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190617.2.69

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 225, 17 June 1919, Page 6

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,413

SINN FEIN Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 225, 17 June 1919, Page 6

SINN FEIN Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 225, 17 June 1919, Page 6

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