THE DANGER OF LABOUR

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 211, 31 May 1919, Page 8

THE DANGER OF LABOUR

Sir,—Jfey T thank yoii for the publication of my letter on the above and the interesting reply it. has' produced from Mr. y. ,1. Hyder in your issue or May 27? Alight I say a few words in answer to him?

My study of the question, which dales back now a good lni'.ny years, causes me tn fear that, no settlement of the respective rights and merits of Capital and Labour will he reached by i- mere appovtionment of their respective responsibilities in creating tlio existing deadlock, which has spread so far round the world of while nations, without affecting the coloured races, except: to their benefit. I am disposed to think that the underlying cause is a far higher one.Jhiin cosl of production and wasjes. anluis based on a more important principle than wealth itself! Its pursuit will lead jjis beyond the study of everyday competition and profits into the almost'abstract, regions of philosophy and principle. It raise?, in fuel, the abstruse and far-leading one as to whether the world of man, and the nations which have inhabited it and developed the civilisation which we enjoy to-, day. have proceeded on right or wrong lines in devoting themselves exclusively to the production of wealth, and not to the production of national eonlentediUMS and happiness. \Xe are, here and there, perceivine a faint glimmir of tho (net that while wealth is power it is not necessarily or always happiness. But tho direct and visible attractions of wealth have prevailed junongst nations of tho world from earliest: and dimmest history, going back to those partial ,and incomplete records which comn down lo us from early Persia, Mesopotamia. Egypt, Greece, Rome, via Spain and Holland, to modern days. Curiously enough, it emnii(>tcd from the yellow man, from j\sia to Europe, and now returns to the Pacific and Asia. Nfli\ can consequences pi thereturn be estimated except in the one indisputable fact that it can produce not only cheap but the cheapest of all' labour in overwhelming quantities. The issue as to the respective duties and responsibilities of Capital and Labour will soon be dominated' by (he larger issue ;of cheap against dear and restricted labour. Japan leads the van and China will follow.

Apparently the chief issue between Mr. Ryder and m.yself is that ho would seek to establish the relative responsibilities) to one another of Capital and Labour, whereas I would go further in tho interests of neutrals and of peace of (lie community by depriving Labour of its present power lo do harm-. Labour is showing its fangs, instead of moderately using only the political power which it possesses, by organisation, in excess of the rest: of the people. Sncjj menace should not bo tolerated i,i the well-regu-lated State, either in tlio Pacific or in Europe.

I heartily agree with Mr. Ryder on his second point, that party government, is Hie root of great political evil. Wit.h- ---[ out the extremes of unpatriotic notion of the British Liberal Party, before the war, in restricting armament*, uiid of which 'both Mr. Asquilii mid .Mr. Lloyd George were responsible leaders, Kuglaml would have had a larger army in 19H, and the conflict would never have arisen. Thus it is that .occasionally party interests are made to preponderate over national, and (here is then no power to correct the mistake. The innocent nation lias to pay. It would be splendid if the Dominions set the Old Country the ex amnio of remedying this defect. Women could largely help, and so reduce somewhat Ihe t-.ligmn that attaches to iiio female vote in Australia against conscription. I'or one tiling conscription establishes the principle of equality, so dear to democratic minds, and, i'or another, it promotes national health by physical training in nn extraordinary degree' The. menacing national exhaustion of (he linited Kingdom before (he war was almost entirely due to (he long prevalence nf the voluntary system, which gradually reduced the best physical and moral elements leaving an increasing inferior pi'ODOi'tion to brei-.l uureslrict"d. \ Iprriblo national warning is contained in l|u> fact, recently disclosed in the United Slates of America, that in spile of widn interiiationalisiition in marriuge, prevalent there, which should strengthen (h u national physique, no less (linn Wl ner cent, (if tho young male population was below the military standard. The great improvement, on the contrary, in (|n> stamina of the French Army since IX7I, is proof of the national physical benefit to be derived from conscript inn. This danger of physical degeneration (mild be avoided by the intervention of the middle class combination which I advocate. So I trust (hat Mr, livder

and others will soon take tho creation of such an organisation in hand. Let it be started before the effect: of the war on the national mind has faded -way. When people arc busy they forgot, or leave action to others, so that publicindilVerence soon resumes its sway. Ijj would form a grand ncacc memorial, u a great national middle class organisation were floated and utilised both to control Labour legitimately and to neutralise the dangers of party rule.—l aui, KENIUC B. MURIiAY. Sir,—TTnder the. beading "The Dancer of Labour" a letter from the pen of Mr. I' , . .T. Ryder attracted my attention, inductus me to add my deductions in the I'lTatesl; of all problems, i.e., Capital and Labour. In my early youth T have pon- j ilwod this problem, solved it theoretically to my own satisfaction, and hail. I been noWessed of despotic powers T. felt Hint I could have remedied Rs eviis. That old saying, "TCxpt-ricnce alonw feaches " conveys more to me now.than it did'at (he nje'of 21. my mental viewpoint haviiiT made innnmera!ile cliniißes. lo"otliof with my own personal needs ami experience?, so that I approach the phliiect with a certain amount of trepiua-

If T. cannot defend Canital it is onunlly certain I cannot defend the present Labour movements, and the peacemakers ivh" r> between these two. forces are quite likely io suffer nl! the economic blows which both are capable of.iT" in »- \ stnte of society that bars privilege . alTordim? advantages commensurate u'ltlj productive effort would !)e (he ideal state, but my experience here in England, and abroad, ha? only left me more hopeless or seeing such real reform. Visualise a mU'htlv crus'uni; niacin e, one roller ooerated by Capital, rcpnsmlintr Ml the known wld-wule monopolies chieflv raw materials;, tho other -hj federated Labour, reiirescnvintt li.mspo l. mining, textile, which constitiiles Ji« bulk of unskilled and y labour, easily organised bee.tu. o of then number, and Mso of the .light disparity bctwesn their individual productive, efforts Then think of the brain workei at whom unskilled labour sneers, and v.-hom the capitalist utilises, they beiuff the onlv class at any rale who can oiler him soine incentive to continue, for lio sake of his children, whom he probably attempts to rear ivit'i some idea of selleffort and ambition, asking only Iron) foeietv the equivalent of their services on merit, without holding a loaded blunderbuss (through the medium of monopo ;es or federated Lnlwur) at the beads of llin Government or societv in general, suspect that Mr. Hyder, toge her with' countless more, has been, and is *till, going through that null. Thinking men with loftier ideals can only regard both forces as iinally destructive, and opposed ; to a iiist stale of social intercourse.- l .WtW which disgusts me the most, but I would gladly rid the world ot all the leaders of finance and labour. T fed to-day (hat: were certain principles established this world could be vastly improved. Christ laid down certain'lawfi for man's guidance..that won <l have brought about as perfect a .etalo of society as possible, for which efforts he was rewarded by. crucifixion. tho reformer of to-day must be prepared to meet a practically similar end, through - ills economic needs bein;; violated by both these forces, should he preach a. saner remedy, which, railed lor less selfishness A few drastic changes, which, if brought into force, would wive fomo of our social (roubles, I venture to enumerate. .. (I) That no organisation of any section, of a. 'community that existed solely or in part for selfish economic game, sliouM be. permissible, lie it cither of capital or of■lab'i'ir. nor any political party movement be allowed, that, by united action, could inflict economic injuries on u> o ic--t of a community. I believe that in justice Io the generations to follow., wo should ring (he death-kncll on all such soulless movements. . . ' (2) I believe the system of interest n» capital is economically unbound, that, private talcs' arc a eocial curse and that the adoption of tlicse_ methods has led to the direct' and indirect enslavement; of the producers. The observance of these fads has not. made me. », pre-. eent-day Socialist, while unions I ixBnrd as autocratic, us any bloaleil f«ipilalist. The average worker with rtcialistio tendencies is covertly trained by his union leaders to regard hi*'employe! as'a species of vampire, i'oor deluded worker, ami unhappy, worried is I hero no one Io detenil you against, tho financial magnate, and the_ eymln-a iKt leader, both capitalists one in kind the other in organised labour: , Mr. Murray's letter was appreciated in many respects by niyselt, as was nN the one of Mr. liyders. If »« want: lasting reform w? must replace iniustices bv justice, not by further iniustices; but i certainly prefer being governed by intellectual men than by tin disciple? of Lenin, and 'J rolsky.-V\ ilh thanks for *pacc,-l ""^^jn^j,. Hnwke'e Bay, May 27.