NOTES OF THE DAY

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 175, 19 April 1919, Page 6

NOTES OF THE DAY

Startling assertions arc made in some delayed messages from Paris, dated ten days ago, which appear to-day. They allege a complete rupture between the United States and the principal Allied nations on the subject of peace terms. 'Happily, however, it is clear from late and authoritative news that these messages were bused on erroneous information. Mil. Lloyd declares it is untrue that the. United States and the European Allies have ever been at variance. Other news' shows that America and the Allies are still working in 'harmony, and are about to present the peace terms, to the German delegation, which.is being summoned to Versailles to receive them. Reports from many quarters lend only too much emphasis to Mi!. Lloyd Ckokoe's statement that the situation is still full of peril for* all _ countries. Nevertheless there is solid ground for satisfaction in his further' announcement that the Allies have reached a complete understanding on the fundamentals oi'peace. ■ In < its' total compass to-day's news can hardly mean- less than that the nations associated at the Peace Confer- , once have arrived at a satisfactory settlement of what was perhaps the greatest and most difficult problem set before them—that of determining a practicable basis of co-opera-tion between the Entente Powers and the United'Etates in safeguarding the peace about to be concluded. The of this problem is, 'of course, of decisive importance. "Without the full co-operation of the United' States there could .be no League of .Nations, and world-peace could not be made secure The basis of agreement is not yet disclosed, but a liint is given in an unofficial report to the effect that Britain and the. United States have_ made a tentative agreement to aid France in the event of that country being at-tacked-by Germany. Such an undertaking, if it.has been given, will no doubt induce France to modify strategic conditions'lipon which she would otherwise insist," and should appreciably pave the way for a peace likely to endure.

The peace the Allies hope to conclude with Germany within a, week or two will.no.t by any means represent a-complete and comprehensive settlement of the issues raised by the war: So far ns Germany is concerned, it will substitute permanent arrangements for those of an. armistice, but the'other enemy i States have also to lie reckoned with, and detail questions' innumerable still await attention. Looking to the position Which has now been reached, Mr. Bmjour stated some weeks ago that it was' the policy of the Conference .not to wait for peace until such a- time as a universal peace, was possible—not to wait till the whole way of the world was rearranged—"but rather- to press for the fastest possible preliminary peace with Germany,. who was the most guilty among our enemies, and with whom, the questions at issue were, simpler than, for example, they were in the case of what was once the Austrian Empire."- It could not be doubted; the British Foreign Minister added, that such a preliminary peace would have a beneficial psychological effect on the world. With that opinion it is still possible to atfl'ec unreservedly

* s . . * * 1 At time of writing no more than very brief summary of the revised draft' of the League of Nations lias conic' to hand. As far as can be judged from this incomplete information,' however, it would appear that in the process of revising its constitution the. standing of the league has not been strengthened. The amendments mentioned are understandable in view of the special circumstances, in which each of the principal covenanting nations is placed, and the dangers- against whibh they individually feel it necessary to guard, but they will not tend to"make the League of Nations an effective international authority. One of the weakest features of the. original draft was the proviso that there must be unanimity among members of the League other than disputants regarding pleasures to uphold international covenants. 'Further limits are now imposed on joint action by an amending clause, which provides that individual states shall have the right to decide how far they shall concur in the Executive Council's recommendations regarding the amount of force that should be supplied in the event of international action becoming ncccssary against an offending ua-

tiun or nations. In such a case, as the position is now unannuity is Jciiiiindccl ill the live Council, or in the Body uf Delegates, fully representing ' the members uf the League, should the dispute he referred to it by the Jixocutive Council. But even if unanimity is.sccurcd it is left to individual nations to determine how far they shall participate and cooperate in international action determined upon by the League. These conditions not only cpntract the_ authority of the League 10,11 serious extent, but aro obviously open to abuse. They create the danger that any two nation's which ehosc. to lay their heads together might be able to paralyse the whole machinery of the League. As an English commentator observed in reviewing the original draft of the League covenant:—

Any Power resolute lo go to-war,-, if need lie, would be pretty certain to find amongst thirty States, great: or small, one at least 'whose sympathies or interests might induce it lo bote up' the whole machinery of the League so as to give scope to an intending aggressor. If Armageddon ever came again it would come in'this way.

There, need be no difficulty about admitting that if the full strength of the League of Nations appeared in its paper constitution it would: open its career with poor prospects. Actually, however,, it is supported by an overwhelming weight of public opinion in Allied countries and in not a few neutral countries. In framing its constitution the Allied nations are hampered, not by any lack of loyalty to the principles involved in its creation* but by the keenly felt necessity of maintaining such safeguards as they already enjoy. It is hoped universally that the creation of a better international order will reduce the importance of the safeguard's individual nations are' able to establish, but. in the construction period no nation is willing to take risks. For the time being formidable difficulties are created iii this way, but it does not necessarily follow that the prospects of the' League are correspondingly darkened.. On paper' it could easily be reduced to a nullity. Yet it does not. seem unreasonable to hope that it will open its career with such a backing of both moral and physical force that no nation will lightly venture to ignore its macninery or defy its decrees.

The permissive and optional char- ■ acter of the League covenant is nowhere more apparent than in regard fcrj armaments; The procedure now laid down is that plans for the reduction of armaments are to be suggested by the Executive Council, but are only to be adopted with tlie consent, of the. States 'concerned.'' Once reductions have been agreed to there is to be no increase without the Council's concurrence This provision to some extent waters d'own a clause in the original draft which stipulated that the Executive Council should determine for the consideration and action of the several Governments what military equipment and armament would be fair and reasonable in proportion to the scale of forces laid down in the, programme of disarmament. Both the original clause and the amendment are to he read, however, in' light of a declaration by the high contracting parties—a declaration which presumably stands unaltered —to the effect that they have recognised the principle that the maintenance of peace requires a reduction of armaments to the lowest point . consistent with .national safety. • •