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LEAGUE OF NATIONS

GENERAL SHDTS'S PLAN

DEALING WITH OFFENDERS

General Smuts some weeks ago presented to the War Cabinet a memorandum on the Leaguo of Nations, this has now been issued to the public m pamphlet His contribution to the support of such a league (says the \\ estminster Gazette") js of great importance botli on account of its intrinsic merits and also because it comes from a man who combines so many attributes, who has seen much of war, and had equal experience of statesmanship, who has been an enemy in' arms against Britain and fifteen years later a member of a British War Cabinet, and who by reason of his origin regards European politics from an advantageous standpoint of detachment. General Smuts argues on behalf of the maximum conception of tho leaguo. It is not to be an ad hoc arrangement or a body only occasionally meeting and dealing with n very limited range of international questions. He willies it to become an organic part of tho world's political system. He urges that it is tho "primary and basic task" of the Peace Conference to set up such an organisation, and that that body should undertake its task regarding itself as the first and preliminary meeting of the league: It is especially necessary that the delegates at the conference should, in dealing with questions concerning the territory of the defoated Empires and of liussiu, and with the new States which are using out of them, regard themselves as representing the League of Nations and not thV separate interests of their individual States,

The League as Guardian. Tho care and development of these territories and States until they are able to stand on their own will be, according to General Smuts, the initial task of the league. He insists that there shall he no annexations or selfish mapping out 'of spheres of influence 'by any of the Allied Great i'owers. J.u order to avoid the obvious disadvantages of rule by ui international commission the lenguo should commit the caro of each, territory to one of its members, such member to be if possible roininated or approved by the population concerned. Tho guardian Power is to govern on behalf of the league, is to permit- equal economic opportunity in the territory under its charge, and is onlv to raise military forces for the purposes of internal police and on a scale approved »y the league. In every case ho would have the extent of tho protecting Power's authority carefully _la id down by the league and would permit to tho people of the protected State the right of appeal to the league agaiust any hi each of these conditions. The league should, moreover, supervise the relations with one another ot those new, independent States which do not require tutelage to tho extent described above. General Smuts calls attention to lite fact that the internal administration of the British Kmpire piovides the closest analogy to such a rule.

The Constitution of the League,

The constitution of the league presents several difficult problems. It will "include a few great .Powers, a large number of medium State-, and a very large number of very small States." What is to be their relative 'influence in its councils? General Smuts suggeststhat it should consist of two bodies. First, a Conference on which aIP States would on equally represented; secondly, a smaller Council. This should consist oi permanent representatives of Britain, I'Yaneo, Italy, the United States, Japan, and Uorniauy \vheu slw has a stable; and 1 democratic Government. In addition there should bo four members, two chosen by rotation Irom each of two separato panels. The first panel would consist of important but not Great Powers, such as Spain, Hungary, Turkey, Central Russia, Poland, Serbia, Ukraine, etc., and tho other of all the minor States who are members of the league. This Council would be tho real executive power of tho league. It would have niuo or ten members, according as Germany was or was not included. A two-thirds majority should he required to make any resolution valid. Tho Conference would stand to it in the relation lather of Parliament to tho Cabinet, except that the . Council would retain tho initiative of all tho work of the Conference. The representatives on the. Council should carry the highest possible authority should, in fact, be Prime Ministers or Foreign Secretaries or their representatives. _ Proceedings should he made as public as possible. A permanent secretariat, 6hould bo set up. Various questions of international administration, trade, \and communications should be under its control.

Conciliation and Arbitration.' The most vital and most difficult part of the whole question is, of course, the prevention of quarrels, leading to war between tho members of the league, and especially between ' the. Great Powers. General' Smuts regards three conditions as essential before any attempt at a permanent system of arbitration can bo set up. First, the abolition of c.onscrip: tion and the fixing of the size of defence forces by the Council of the League. Secondly, the fixing of material armaments in tho same way. Thiro.'lv, the > nationalisation of all armament industries. These primary conditions having ibecn accepted, he suggests that the following rules should be made at the Peaco Conference for a system of arbitration in the future: No' members of the League are to go to war with one another until they hnvo submitted their dispute to thc Council of tho League, and that body has either made an award or issued some report upon the issue. Even .then hostilities are to bo forbidden if either member accepts the award of the Council. To enforce this rule the following procedure is suggested: If any member breaks the covenant all members shall subject it to immediate economic and financial boycott. The Council shall deoido what military measures shall be taken against the offender, and after peace is restored' the offending Stati shall be subject to perpetual disarmament, and the tutelage prescribed above for new States, that is its international relations will 1m completely controlled by the League. In cases where arbitration is not possible, the Council is to consider the dispute and make recommendations which shall not have the force of decision. If it cannot agree even on recommendations, both .majority and minority are to be at liberty to publish their opinions, in the hope that open discussion may quiet national passions and cause tho' crisis to pass over.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190326.2.17

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 155, 26 March 1919, Page 5

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,074

LEAGUE OF NATIONS Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 155, 26 March 1919, Page 5

LEAGUE OF NATIONS Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 155, 26 March 1919, Page 5

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