The Dominion. THURSDAY, JANUARY 30, 1919. SAFEGUARDING THE PACIFIC

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 107, 30 January 1919, Page 4

The Dominion. THURSDAY, JANUARY 30, 1919. SAFEGUARDING THE PACIFIC

A eather unexpected turn is given to-day to the discussion regarding the fate of the former German colonies. According to a Washington message, surprise has been occasioned in America by the disclosure of a secret treaty between Britain and Japan allotting the Marshall and Caroline Islands to Japan. Should it prove that the facts are here correctly stated, the disclosure, after all, is not particularly sensational. We have entered an era in which it is hoped that there will be no more secret treaties, but if in the early days of the war Britain and Japan entered into such an agreement , as is outlined it can hardly be said that their action, in the circumstances wliioh then obtained, gave tangible grounds-for either surprise or criticism. In the interval ideas in regard to all international questions have broadened wonderfully, and conditions bearing on the settlement of the war have been transformed. But there was a time when Britain and Japan had the best possible right to make what arrangements they could on their own account to drive Germany out of the Pacific and keep her out. At the same time it is evident that the alleged treaty, if it oxists, belongs to a state of things that has passed away and must not be allowed to return. Indeed for practical purposes to-day it does not much matter whether such a treaty exists or not. _ It is no longer possible to consider handing over the islands in. question to Japan- unconditionally. Such, a courae would be absolutely inconsistent with the principles the nations represented at the Peace Conference are pledged to uphold and apply; and even if it were not opposed by a majority of the Conference delegates the United States undoubtedly would take the strongest possible exception to any one nation being allowed to assume unfettered control of islands which might be converted into highly, important strategic bases. If these conditions affect Japan they obviously must be accepted as equally affecting the position of, the British Empire in rugard to the Pacific islands, including Samoa, and v the German colonies in Africa in which if is interested. Any attempt to establish one rule of conduct for Japan and an entirely different rule for.other nations would naturally upset the'harmony of the Peace Conference. .The British Empire, in particular, could not with any regard for honesty ask Japan to abandon her pretensions to the Pacific islands formerly held by Germany north of the equator while persisting in its own claims to the German colonies south of the equator. But even if the two nations are bound by such a treaty as is mentioned to-day, Britain .and the Dominions need have no hesitation in asking Japan to consent to its revision and to accept conditions they are themselves prepared to accept. There does not seem to be any insurmountable obstacle to a completely satisfactory settlement on these lines. •

Of all the plans of settlement that have been suggested and discussed during the last few weeks, the most promising ie that of neutralising Germany s late colonies. Serious objections have been raised to international control on general grounds and on the ground that it has hitherto been found unsatisfactory. But there is no reason why an international control evolved by the Peace Conference should retain or repeat any such unsatisfactory features as exist, for instance, in the New Hebrides Condominium. The proposal which seems to'bo coming , steadily to th , . front in spite of a considerable amount of opposition is that while the former German colonies, together with some other territories, should be placed under the supreme control of the League of Nations, they should be entrusted to the direct control of individual natjons acting as trustees or as deputies of the League. Under such an arrangement there would naturally be an absolute prohibition against fortifying! or in any way preparing the former German islands and other territories as military or naval bases. It would be laid down ■also as a matter of course that everything possible should be done to promote the welfare of the nativo inhabitants of these territories, and that they should be given a measure of control over their own affairs proportioned to their ability to exercise it intelligently. It should follow that neither the trustee nations nor'any other individual nation would be permitted any advantage in trading with a given colony, but that in this matter, all nations should fare alike. Presumably, the only restrictions permissible in matters of trade, immigration, and so forth would be those imposed'by an' administration, representative if possible, acting in the interests of the native inhabitants. At present all such proposals are tentative, and the League of Nations is still "in the air,'.' but if a settlement broadly on these lines is approved by the Peace Conference it should have no difficulty in deciding to entrust particular enemy colonies to the direct, though not unconditional, control of the countries to which they are contiguous. In some cases, notably that of German South-west Africa, the merits' of the case are so selfevident that controversy is practically impossible. It is etated that even President Wilson approves of this territory being added to tho South African Union. But in regard to the German colonics generally and other former enemy territories as well, such a plan of internationalisation as has been touched upon offers great and manifest advantages. The basic position taken here and in other parts of the Empire has been throughout that Germany must never recover her lost colonies, and that they must nover again become a danger to neighbouring countries. These conditions would be as fully as pdssible satisfied if the nations most, closely concerned, took over the various colonies as trustees, - . Provided the conditions of a stablo international guarantee can be created it is certainly better that the enemy colonial territories and those taKcn over from Turkey should be permanently neutralised than that individual nations should be left to provide their own safeguards against the misuse of these territories. Another attractive feature of the plan is that under it Britain would be free to follow practically without variation her oustomary methods in governing tropical dependencies. In-

ternational control on sound lines has inherently so much to commend ifc that it is a matter for regret that it has been in the. main opposed by ths British oversea representatives. The disclosure of the treaty with Japan may serve a useful purpose in inducing them to take up a more complaisant attitude. While she is strongly supporting the claims of the Dominions, Britain has given a load which seems, to be well worth following in deciding to leave the disposal of Mesopotamia, Palestine, and the German colonies—the la-st presumably with some reservations in deference to pressure from the Dominions—to the League of Nations. The Dominions are upholding international interests as well as their own in demanding that everything possible shall be done to prevent any future use of the exGerman colonies in the Pacific and elsewhere as bases of attack on peaceful countries. But in pursuing this object they are bound to act in the spirit of the times, and it seems likely that they will best attain it by accommodating themselves to the broad view taken by Great "Britain, and that they will only embarrass her to_ no purpose if they seek to press their individual claims too far.