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SETTLING ACCOUNTS WITH THE KAISER

Whatever the strength of the Bolshevist elements in Germany may be, there does not seem to be any doubt that Hohenzollcrn partisans are turning the fear of Bolshevism to account in advancing their Hoyalist projects. It is stated also that "Count Wilhelm" himself has not abandoned hope of resuming the authority of which he is now divested. It ds certainly significant in this connection that there is no evidence of his formal abdication, either as German Emperor or as King of Prussia. As one of yesterday's messages observed, it seems that, the Imperial murderer is temporarily resident in Holland,' waiting fur something to turn up. Nothing is moro likely than that he anticipates a political revulsion in his favour in Germany. But it is equally evident that if the Allied nations do their duty a yory different destiny awaits the Kaiser. If justice- is done, instead of being restored to position and power Jus will be placed in the dock of an international tribunal l.n_ answer for the unspeakable crii/ra which have been committed mull!! , bin authority and in his name n'ina: II)M, The practical question now ruined is not whether the Kaiser uhiiuld bo willed to account for his (jriiii'iK■-on that point opinion in Allied countries mid in many others ii ; practically unanimous'—but wheI.lkji , it Iμ possible tinder international law to drag him out of his preuent refuge and bring him to trial. This is a question o£ capital importance, not only because the answer given will react potently, upon poli-

tical developments in Germany and upon the problems of peace, but because the line of action adopted by the Allies in regard to the Kaiser will determine once and for all tho possibility of bringing to justice those Germans who have personally or in exercising responsible authority violated international law. Allowing the master-criminal to escape the Allies could hardly bring subordinate criminals to justice. If the Kaiser is allowed to reach a secure sanctuary by the simple expedient of crossing the Dutch frontier, then presumably it is open to any less exalted criminal to take the same easy road to immunity. This would mean a paralysis of justice and a moral catastrophe wliicii we may partly appreciate by considering what would happen in any community if the vilest criminals were allowed to go free and unpunished and to purchase immunity by a mere change of residence. It may seem an intolerable perversion of justice that the Allies should recognise even temporary obstacles to the apprehension and trial of such a criminal as the Kaiser. No doubt, however, it is very necessary that they should observe the strictest regard for international law in so far as it affords guidance. : Their purpose is to uphold and re-estab-lish law and not to exercise arbitrary power. It was reported yesterday that tho French Prime Minister (M. Clemehceau) is to investigate the possibility of claiming the Kaiser's extradition under international law. The immediate question is one for jurists. It is meantime an open question whether existing methods of procedure will in the direct and ordinary sense meet the case. The universal practice of nations, to quote a standard authority, "is to surrender criminals only in consequence of some special treaty with the country which demands them." Should it be decided that existing treaties make no provision for a. demand by the Allies for the surrender of the Kaiser, the right course obviously will be to devise such extraordinary measures, as will meet the case. The case admittedly is extraordinary, but it is quite as clearly established that it would be an infamous perversion of justice to allow the Kaiser to escape the consequences of his crimes. If international law has not yet been extended to the point of meeting such a contingency there is every reason for extending it without any further delay. Holland would have no moral standing in resisting a united demand by the Allied nations for 'the surrender of the Kaiser in order that he might be placed on trial. Taking that course she would accept a measure of responsibility for his crimes and would invite such disciplinary measures as the Allies might think fit to impose. Should she be foolish enough to make such action necessary, no question of resort to physical force need arise. The Allies could penalise' her obstruction by excluding her from tho benefits of friendly intercourse, and so subjecting her to the economic' and other penalties which harc been considered in tentative dispussions of the League of Nations proposal. Drastic action should hardly be needed, however, to induce Holland to surrender the Kaiser. _ It is manifest that any nation which attempted to shelter him and withhold him from trial would' be directly opposing the course, of international justice.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19181126.2.12

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 52, 26 November 1918, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
798

SETTLING ACCOUNTS WITH THE KAISER Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 52, 26 November 1918, Page 4

SETTLING ACCOUNTS WITH THE KAISER Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 52, 26 November 1918, Page 4

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