The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1918. RECKONING WITH PRUSSIA
It is still an open question whether defeat and ; adversity will give rise to genuine reforms in Germany, and the issues involved are of capital importance, though less as they bear upon the final act in the drama of world .war than upon the period to follow. Even a genuine and complete democratisation of the Gorman Empire would not justify any weakening or abatement of the Allies' determination to call it to a strict account for its crimes against humanity. The German nation has been badly governed, and befooled; it has been taught to worship false gods. But as.a natipn it has submitted readily to its taskmasters;, it has been willing and even eager in its. .worship of Prussian militarism. No death-bed 'repentance by a nation with this record can be accepted as in the smallest degree an equivalent for reparation and the punishment of individuals whose guilt is manifest even against the background of a guilty nation. But although Germany must be called to acobuht for her crimes irrespective of the courso her infernal politics may take it is in tho power of the nation to effect reforms which would have an allimportant bearing on the prospects of future peace. It is therefore well worth while, to consider what internal changes ! are ppasible, or likely in Germany. The events of the last few weeks have gone far to confirm an impression that democratic reform in the ordinary sense of the term is hardly to be ..expected in Germany. This, applies without reservation to the so-called constitutional changes which are proudly fathered by the Kaiser. When a nation lives long and contentedly under an autocracy, and passes through all the stages of' a long- war to that of hopeless defeat w.ithout attempting to overthrow its autocrats, fairly conclusive < evidence is supplied _that it is lacking in democratic instincts. Tho reforms the Kaiser is pleased to approve aro palpably a humbug and a sham, and there is nothing in the Kis,tory and disclosed character of the German nation to encourage a, belief that it _'will be prompted by its present disasters to carry out really democratic reforms. But there is another, line on which internal changes may develop'within the German Empire, the line suggested byrecent reports which speak of a widening breach between Prussia and the other States of-the German Empire. A. captured German officer was quoted yesterday as declaring that the order of the day throughout South Germany is "Break away from Prussia!" and one of to-day'a messages states that a pamphlet is being_ widely circulated in Bavaria "urging a separate peace, failing which the Government iqdsi be overthrown." Various report 5o the same general effect have been transmitted during the last week or two, and although their. exact significance is a matter of conjecture at the moment there are some reasons for believing .that they rase/practical possibilities and .also that the change in the Constitution of the Empire they foreshadow—a' subordination of .Prussian to the nonPrussian elements—would bo a valuable guarantee of permanent peace. During the last half-century, the domination of the other German States by Prussia had come to l)e----regarded as permanent and inevitable. It was clue in fact to causes and conditions which this, war to' its present stage has largely eliminated./ Had tho German States pursued, a normal line of development they would no doubt have entered into_ some sort of Imperial confederation, but Prussia would not have been the head of the household. Baron vom Stein, who has been called the wisest of Prussian statesmen, wished in 1815 to rovivo the old German Empire "and put its crown not on the head of his own master tho King of Prussia, but on that of the Austrian sovereign who had worn it for nearly four hundred years, 1438-1806." As events turned, however, Prussia's successful career as a filibustering State made impossible, for a, time at least, any development of the modern German Empire on* lines that could be regarded as normal. The later stages of her march to" a supreme position in tho Empire are summed up by a well-known Slav publicist, Mr. de Wesselltsky, in an article in which he pleads that the German people. \ as well as those of other races, should bd freed from the rule of "tho mongrel Teutono-Sravo-Lith-uanian race called Prussian."
■ Prussia (he observes) was never loved in Germany west of the Elbe. Tho great winters of the German classical era considered the Prussians as barbariane, and Goethe, felt an invincible ropughance for the "Prussian brute." Most German States fought against Prussia inrtho Seven Years' War, in 1808-1807 and in 18GG. Their "alliance" with her was a result of their defeat, and it was gradually transformed into ft subjection. The Germans of pure Teuton blood tried to make Prussia tho instrument of tho German nation becoming the super-nation of the world. They evolved pan-Gorman theories, to be realised by Prussian organisation and Prussian methods. They are, consequently, fully responsible for thoir share in the present war. Instead, however, of more closely merging togethor Teuton Germany with Prussia, the war has intensified and made apparent their fundamental antagonism.
It was in virtue of military efficiency that Prussia was enabled to annex and subjugate other German States and gained the position in the Empire, with Her King as German Kaiser, to which* her right is now challenged. At first the acceptance of her domination was no doubt due in greater or less degree to a belief on the part of tho people and rulers of other German States that they would in, this way best make themselves secure. Latterly there has been a widespread acceptance of tho Prussian military i ideal of "conquest for conquest's
sake" and of , all that it entails. It is now- plain to all men that in her military leadership of the German Empire Prussia has hopelessly and dismally failed. The fact which may ho expected to appeal to Germans of the non-Prussian States is that she has led the Empire to complete, disaster. It would seem, therefore, that every reason they formerly had for submitting to her rule and dictation in matters of war and foreign policy has disappeared. There are formidable obstacles to the deposition of Prussia from tho dominant position she now holds. Her territorial area i's more than half that of the whole Empire and before tho war.her population was about 40 millions , out of a total of approximately 65 millions. In a political readjustment, however, a great part of the population of Prussia might prefer to follow tho lead of tho South German States rather than that of the military autocrats who have.'hitherto ruled. A reconstruction of the Empire is not,, of course, to be taken for granted:' but evidence that it is possible appears not only in what, has been made known about the rising dis? content of the South German States, but in the anxiety betrayed by Prussian advocates. Por instance it was alleged a day or two ago by tho Lolcalanzie[/er that the Centre Party has decided that the Kaiser and the Hohenzollorn dynasty must remain , as "the energetic symbol of German unity"; otherwise the Empire's downfall would immediately ensue. But it was immediately added that a forced abdication would be. equivalent to the establishment of a republic. In light of surrounding facts observations of this kind make it fairly plain that what th!e Prussian military gane is anxious .about is not the integrity of the Empire, but its own domination .over the Empire. If this anxioty is justified, as ft may be. internal reform in Germany on the lines iridicatod may yet afford a guarantee of future peace additional to those the Allies are bound in any case to exa-ct and obtain.
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Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 36, 6 November 1918, Page 4
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1,301The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1918. RECKONING WITH PRUSSIA Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 36, 6 November 1918, Page 4
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