The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, JULY 3. 1918. A CO-OPERATIVE ALLIANCE
$ The manner in which the British Empire is gradually perfecting its organisation was indicated by Mr Massey in an interview published in our cable columns a few days ago. Ho stated that by its meetings the Imperial War Cabinet was practically framing a Constitution that will'go on improving, developing, broadening down from prccedenfcto precedent. This is tho British method of constitutional reform. At; is an evolutionary process, a natural growth, and is more in accordance with the genius of our race than the special crcation ot now political machinery. Speaking of tho factors in evolution, Huxley says that external conditions "aro not themselves actually productive, but are passively permissive—they do riot causo variation in any given direction, but they permit and favour a tendency which already exists." That is what tho oxternal impulse of the war has done for the cause of Empire unity. The desire for closer union has long existed. The war did not create it, but lias stimulated it, and has produced one of those "critical points" at which new relations usher in new developments. Some people are of opinion that tho time has arrived for devising and enacting a brand new Constitution for the Empire. They tell us that unless this is done, and done quickly, n,_ drift towards disintegration will inevitably set in. Others hold that it would be a great mistake to convert tho present strong but elastic tics which bind tho overseas Dominions to the Mother Country into rigid bands of iron. One step at a time is the surest and safest way of progress in constitution making, As uach new departure is tried and proved the next step follows in a sort of natural order. Tho present generation, has witnessed very imyortant developments in Empire organisation. Long before the war the need for moro extensive co-oper-ation among the various States of which the Empire is composed became too urgent to be ignored. Dominion statesmen were demanding n, direct, voicc in the discussion of Imperial affairs, and British statesI men readily admitted tho jualico of
the demand.' The war has strongly emphasised the claim ct the Dominions for effective consultation on all matters concerning the welfare of the whole Empire. The fairness of this claim has been fully recognised by the British Government, and in order lo give effect to it momentous departures from the established political order have been made. Precedents have been set up which must certainly have a great influence in shaping the future _ of tho British Empire. Tho creation of the War Cabinet was a bold step which has fully justified itself. It required no legislation. It was done simply by being done.
After the loss of the American colonics the majority of British politicians came to the conclusion that tho break-up of empires was a natural necessity that statesmanship could not prevent. They felt that the British Empire was no exception to this rule. This view inevitably tended to belittle the importance of colonial affairs. The House of Commons cared very little about such matters. They were handed over to the Colonial Officc, .or, in practice, lo the leading permanent official in that Department. In his book on British colonial policy, Mr. G. H. Currey telly us Uiat this official
was the i:?rson into whom ihc Mother Country had shrunk. He was in reality I IK. 1 arbiter ot tile destinies i.l the wideiyflun" colonics, and, in order to distinguish him, Charles Buller styled him "Mr. Mother Country." . . * Sheltered from all responsibility to public opinion, with little personal interest in those whoso fortunes he might so definitely determine, obliged to rely on second-hand and possibly one-sided information, exposed to those sinister influences which are dissipated by freedom and publicity, "Mr. Mother Country," even if possessed of the highest qualifications,, could not manage tho local affairs of so many diverse communities either efficiently or effectively. Confusion and discontent were consequently rife.
The rule of "Mr. Mother Country" went from bad to worse until the demand for _ a change could bo no longer resisted. Then tho era of colonial self-government was inaugurated. All wrongs were not righted at, once. Many causes of friction remained. For a time there seemed to be a tendency on the part of the colonies to drift away from the. Motherland. The colonies sometimes resented the overruling power of the British Government, and British statesmen were often indifferent and unsympathetic and slow to understand the colonial point of view. But before thu closo of the nineteenth century a great coming together took place, and since then the consolidation of the Empire has proceeded apace. No one did more than Mr. Joseph Chamberlain to strengthen the foundations of the Empire by making it in a very real sense a cooperative alliance of sister States. This co-operative alliance has been subjected to tho .test of a great war. It nas not, only stood the strain, but tho common peril has made it stronger than ever.'
The establishment of the Imperial Conference was part of a continuous process, and was bound to lead on to other forms of consultation ancl co-operation between Britain and the overseas Dominions in matters of trade, defence, and foreign policy. Speaking at' the Conference of 1911, the Australian Prime Minister (Mr. Fisher) asked whether the time had not arrived for the Dominions to be informed, and whenever possible consulted, as to the best means of promoting the interests of all concerned when the Mother Country may decide to open negotiations with foreign Powers in regard to matters which involve the interests of the Dominions. In reply, Sir Edward Grey said: "I agree, and the Government agrees entirely, that the Dominions ought to be consulted/' It was not the fault of the British Government that the Dominions were not consulted before war was declared against Germany in August, 1914; but it is now generally recognised that in future a decision of such tremendous importance to the whole Empire shall not ba arrived at without their consent. This means the setting up of some permanent council which would authoritatively represent the whole Empire. The principle involved has already been established by the creation of the Imperial War Cabinet, and Mr. Massey iB firmly convinced that this Cabinet will continue after the war is over. _ If it is to become a permanent institution, then the Dominions must consider this question of having resident Ministers in' London or devise 30m 3 other means 01 effective representation. Such a development seems to be the natural and logical outcome of the conception of the British Empire as a cooperative alliance of sister nations each of which is* ready and willing to bear its sharn of Imperial responsibility, and also claims the privilege of assisting to shape the Empire's policy and destiny. Each membei v of the alliance must have the fullest freedom as regards the management of its own affairs. The Dominions will brook 110 tampering with their rights of domestic selfgovernment, and no scheme of Empire organisation will be accepted by them 'that 'Joes not amply safeguard these rights.
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Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 244, 3 July 1918, Page 4
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1,189The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, JULY 3. 1918. A CO-OPERATIVE ALLIANCE Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 244, 3 July 1918, Page 4
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