NATIONAL UNITY

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 210, 24 May 1918, Page 7

NATIONAL UNITY

AIMS OF EMPIRE SERVICE LEAGUE THE PROGRESS OF THE MOVEMENT CONFERENCE OF DELEGATES Tho first conference of the Empire Service League opened in Wellington yesterday, when delegates attended from Wellington, Duuedin, Hawke's Bay. Amberley, Nelson, Pelorus Sound, and Ekcinhunal. Air. Mason Chambers (Havelock North) was elected.to tho chair. . . The Mayor (Jtr. J. P. Luke, C.M.G.), an welcoming the liolegates, conuraluJated tho conference.' upon its representative character, ?.lid expressed his personal pleasure that ho had been ablo to assist Jh\ Witherby in. tho earlier stages of th'j movement. Secretary's Report, Mr. Percival Witherby, tho honorary general secretary of the league, in his U'eport, said: "The progress of tho Empire Service movement during tho past twolve Months has boon considerable, and it has •already been commented on in England, •Canada, and Australia. Six branches of •the league have been established in New -Zealand, and the membership consists cf several hundred men and women. Meetings hare been held in most of tho

•principal towns in the Dominion. Literary propaganda has been written, published, and circulated, and a great deal -of personal interviewing has been done T>y members of the various committees, as -well as mysolf. I report to this conference that tho efforts of thoso who liavo really aotively interested themselves in the work of the league havo been un- ' sparing, and that I can see for myself "these efforts are bearing fruit i to-day. iWere I asked to express an opinion on iho result, so far, of these, efforts, 1 should reply thii3: Considering tho circumstances which prevail throughout the (country as the result of the war, considering that the ■ movement is an «n----;tirely voluntary one, that we have-prac-tically no funds, that most livo people in different walks of life nre already working in various ways up to the hilt, and "that just over a year ago the Empire Servico League did not exist ... I 6ay, considering tlieso circumstances, the pro. jjress raado has been satisfactory and (gratifying. But having said that 1 should feel compelled to add that, considerable as this progress has been, it would have been infinitely greater if onequarter of tho people who have approved ■the league's object and wished it success had done any individual act themselves to bring that success about. Workers, Not Mere Names, Needed. ' "It is hero that I am, at the outset, ifaco to face with a point to''which I feel it my duty to frankly draw attention, and which I think this conference will do well to consider. Just as there is a typo or class of people- in every country, and therefore in New Zealand, who habitually regard the State as something quite distinct from themselves, and whoso !usual reply to an appeal for rndividual action is 'Let the Government do it.'or * What ia the Government doing ?' so there is a type among us which, while approving in theory and often joining this movement, for which they do nothing, are continually asking—'What is tho Empire Service League doing?' It is here that, incidentally, to have a vivid illustration not only of the worth, but the Teal trial and acid test of the democratio system of government, in contrary distinction to an autocracy. The State- 1 •which is the ■ people themselvefi~-caunot eland, or progress, unless its citizens unsolfishly devote tnemselvcs to its service; and precisely the samo test principle applies to this league, which might be described a3 the State or Empire in immature. . . . The first question I .would submit for the consideration of .this conference is therefore this. Our original idea was to build up a large body of men and -women by enrolling (them as members of this movement, anil it was believed that if each member ptrove to carry out the principles laid down by tho league in his> or her daily iiifo the' body; thus created must influence public opinion and tho State. In practice this idea does not appear to have materialised to any large extent. It would seem a certain i umber of people have joined the movement; because, for the moment, it appealed to them, becauso it struck them as being eomething new (as a matter of fact it is as old as the hills), and not because ; they really realised the individual service membership necessarily entailed, ffhe question, therefore, arises whether this original idea will not prove a source of woakness, rather than of strength; whether some qualification for membership should not be sought; whether, in a word, the league should not aim at securing workers rather than a mere .quantity of names.

The League's Objects. "I proceed to approach more closely the subject of the four chief objects •which'the league was formed lo promote. ffhese are (I quote from the wording of the leaflet issued by the Otngo branch): (1) To unite more thoroughly for the defence, of the Empire and for the extension of the freedom we have inherited.

(2) •To mould' an educational policy based on the principle of national service, as against individual or class aggrandisement. (3) To influenco public opinion on the danger lo society of permitting poverty, waste, and idleness, so that it will reprobate misuse ot wealth on the one hand and habits tending to pauperism on the other. (1) To influence opinion among employers and employees in favour of closer and more sympathetic relations. Experiences of a Month's Tour.

"I proposo to deal in tbo main with the second and last of these subjects, and what I have to say by way of report on them will bo based almost entirely on my experiences during a recent four months' tour in the South Island. I feel I should tell this conference how thoso experiences have been gained. With absolutely no object other than that of getting first-hand information ami promoting tho purpose of our movement, I succeeded during this tour in getting in loucli willi, and making tho acquaintance, of, a great number of people following different occupations. Carpenters, plumbers, mechanics, agricultural labourers, contractors, merchants, farmers, journalists, editors. Labour leaders, and eiergy. I went'into tho highways and byways and exchanged views with all of these in order to ; ascertain their viewpoint and formulate my own. I fin<l from my notes thnt during the last live months I have personally interviewed between four and five hundred men and women, to each of whom I explained the aims of tho Empire Service League, and from practically all of whom (that may sound rathor a tall order, but it is true) I', succoeded in obtaining .not only an expression •■f opinion hut an expression of feeling. And 1 say to this conference that people are thinking to-day as they have never thought before. There never was a lime so opportune as the present for thought la create thought, for example to stimulate example. There never was a time so pregnant with possibilities not only for good-but ill. Tho public mind is sensitive—plastic. It waits, and in sonio directions is beginning lo wait somewhat impatiently, for; true and courageous leadership. 1 wish I could oonvey'to this conference how clearly 1 see this; how deeply I feel it. Provided there is- strength and sincerity of pinposo to cast shibboleths, idlo repetition and unworthy. barriers aside—shibboleths, and barriers which are now leav- ! ing people cold—provided thcro is an ' honest lead given to uphold and practice | these fundamental principles which alono distinguish men from nninmls and inaKe nations great, then' to churches, to statesmen, to any MAN, be ho prince or ploughman, who can see and speak, and act and feel, is given to-day a unique opportunity to ' bring about a radical change for the better in the nation's thoughts and acts. It is because there is this opportunity that tho Empire' Service League has been formed. ... I icel impelled to tell you something of what 1 have discovered for myself—that rapidly growing public opinion, for the moment inarticulate: a craving to get on to things that really matter; a spirit —watchful, keen, ready if necessary tu overthrow, yet still •more ready to build up—restless, waiting to .be led. And in doing this I tell you quite openly thai much of what. I have to report is not very pleasant or easy to say because, in retrospect, it hits me personally as being almost' traitorous to that class and school with which during the early part of my life I have been associated. I am convinced, however, the tiino has come to put the cards on the table. I am convinced if this league is to advance tho object it has in view, certain facts must be faced and made public, Labour and Capital. "A few months ago a special committee appointed by the Wellington branch of tho league presented through its lion, secretary a report, on its endeavours to come to closer quarters with the problems connected with tho relations of Labour and Capital. From this report, it appeared that conversations with acknowledged Labour leaders had taken place in Wellington, and that there had been a free and open exchange of views, in the course of which the question had been asked: 'Js there any prospect of obtaining or cultivating bettor relations between employer and employed ?' To which the answer had been: 'Noi tho slightest—none whatever.' Now (and I m\' dealing with the last of tho objects laid down in our programme), the report I have to make to this conference on this subject does not exactly harmonise with the reported experience of the Wellington select committee referred to. I have already mentioned that during my tour in the South Island I got in touch and had many talks with numbers of men working at different trades, at a weekly wage, as well as several Labour, leaders. 1 regret I. have not. permission from the latter to mention their names, for though our conversations were interesting and very friendly; they all without exception asked for and received a pledge from me-that I would not do so. _ I do not quite understand what their motive was in asking for this pledge, but as I gave it I intend to keep it. 'The conference, however, need bo under no misapprehension as to tho integrity of these men. They are well known. Their sincerity was unmistakably plain to inc. They meant what they said. Tho views I shall end'eavour to express are a faithful general report of the feelings. and opinions I have gleaned from them, and also from a large number of the workers, "First, I have found an' ingrained dis-

trust or suspicion of any attempt at a rapprochement. I have noticed tho samo thing in England, Canada, and Australia, f have investigated Hie cause uf tins mistrust, and am satisfied it springs from iho incessant teaching of a section of Labour that any attempt to bring about a bettor understanding with Capital is 'a Capitalist dodge,' :ij is also the in. honied natural suspicion existing probably in every country among thousands of workers, directly duo to tho demeanour of wealth in the past

"Secondly; I have found a very general feeling of resentment and belief that wealth is permitted by public opinion to make money out of this war, which Labour either cannot, or is not penmitU<i to make. Not once, but continually, time after time, at meetings or dining conversations, bus the Wool Conference which was held in Wellington in' th u early stages of the war for tho purpose of _ discussing the price offered by ihe British Government for the New Zealand clip, been brought forward as illuu Irativc of this belief. Indeed, so much harm has been done by what J. hope is tho unfair inference drawn from Iho result of this conference that any attempt to bring about a bettor understanding with Capital is heavily handicapped while it remains. . . . The conference will understand I am not dealing with tho details of what actually took place at tho Wool Conference. I am not competent to do that. It seems to have been, a complicated business, concerning .which a variety of explanations have been given mo by different . people. Neither am I dealing with a complex question of political economy, or the counter benefit to the State through taxation ou the increased amount received. What I am doing is describing the disastrous effect the eventual result of thatconference has had on efforts directed to bring about a more sympathetic relationship between what is called Labour and Capital

"Thirdly—ami on this particular subject lastly—l have found among at least three-fourths of those Labour men whose views 1 have ascertained a distinct ami unmistakable'desire that there should, if possible, be a saner and more sympathetic connection between employer and employed, founded on mutual respect. I am anxious lo faithfully represent, and in no way to misrepresent, this feeling. There has been exhibited, of course, tho natural tendency on both sides to throw tho blame on tho other chap. The wealthy farmer or business man, for instance, has sometimes said lo me, 'The views of the Empire Servico League, are true; tho country needs a movement of this kind. Now, if you can only iulluencp the working man, you will do a flue work.' And tho working man,has said, 'Your reasoning is sound; what you get the "squatter" lo see and act on your views you will do some goud.' But beneath this 'tendency of Capital to blame Labour, and Labour to blamo Capital, there has been marked evidence of the. inner desire.for a saner and more nobis relationship. Working men—including the Labour leaders mentioned just now— have said to me, in effect, this: 'Wo understand and follow you when you declare that a man or a section of the community or a nation, stands to lose and not ultimately to gain by a wholly selfish aggressive policy. Wo agree with you there should, rightly be no war between Labour and Capital, and that the two ought in truth to be married. But what does marriage spell when thero is no co-operation? Wc do not make strikes becauso wo like'them. Wo do not like them. We should prefer to do without them. Tlioy cost us a great deal which we can ill afford. But just as this war has shown it is sometimes necessary to fight for Bight, so it is necessary tor us sometimes to fight for Right too—not only for ourselves but for those who como after us—and you must remember tho strike is practically tho only weapon we have. ... Is it not a fact that practically everything Labour has won h«s been won by organisation and hard fighting? Wo feel that one of the best things thnt could happen to Labour and lo the country, would bo a closer union with Capital founded on mutual respect and eo-operation, but if the first step lo (hat closer union means the abandonment of what may be termed our "weapon of offence," then we cannot, dare not, take it, for without this weapon we arc at ones brought face to face with the question: Can wo trust the employer for our advancement, our protection, and our due reward? to which question there can only bo one answer, and that an emphatic "So."'

Capital, "I have tried to deal faithfully with Labour views on this subject as I have found them. What about Capital? Since, I I have reported on -tho ono I must necessarily report on tho other. I regret, however, in this direction there la little to say. There 1 are plenty of wealthy men in this country who are white to the core, who do not regard their wealth as something to hoard or only to benefit themselves, and whose highest aspiration it is to use their money for the benefit of others and tho good of the State. I know some of these men, and to know them is to respect and admire them. But ready as I believe they are to give, and much as I know they do give, they realise, as I think every thoughtful man must realise, that mere giving will not relievo them of that responsibility which the ability to give cdtails; that the act of giving is not at bottom what the country needs or "the Labour movement desires; that a gift may do more harm than good, unless the motive which impels the gift is able to make its' influence i'olt; and that until a truer, deeper, and more widespread perception of citizenship ami responsibility dawiJS on' the people, th& lugh purpose they desire to serve can never Ik gained. But when I have said that I have said practically all there is of a satisfactory nature to say. For though I have not yet had the opportunity or tho time to ascertain, the views of Capital (using that term in a general collective sense on the possibility of a closer and belter .understanding l with Labour to the same extent as time and opportunity have enabled mo to ascertain the views of Labour, what I havo found is not encouraging. I have it is true, como across many a large business and been on many a station whero work is carried on in harmony arising from mutual respect; where the welfare of both employer aud employed is n matter which is sincerely considered by both. But, speaking broadly, I have not yet found that 'Capital' is prepared to admit there have been faults on its eido or that it is prepared to interest itself in promoting a bettor understanding and relationship with Labour. Whero on the side of Labour I have found a frank, open willingness to express opinion and discuss a problem which affects practically everybody, «on tho side ot Capital this expression and discussion has been more often than not conspicuous by its absence. . . . It is a thousand pities! Tho strong and straightforward course in any dispute is surely first to purgo oneself of selfishness or personal aggrandisoment, and then to approach ono's. opponent in the sincere desire to bring about a better understanding. I honestly believe-indeed, it is indisputable—there- is no valid reason to-day why, it both sides really desired it—which thoy surely must do in theninmost hearts, for each is dependent on the othor-tho relations between Labour and Capital, or employer, and employed, should not bo immensely improved, not only to Ihe great advantage of each, but to the inestimable advantage of the wholo country. But tho first steps to this better relationship are-recognition (not on one side alone, but on both sides) that mistakes havo been mado in the past; that selfishness in the long run does not pay; mid that just as tho welfare of the individual is dependent on the weltaro of other individuals) so is tho welfaro of tho community or any section of tho community-including Labour and Capi-tal-dependent on (other sections, lor, sinco right at bottom our interests are really identical, if you kill tho one you kill tho other also. "That this is a matter of education is clear and certain. After all the root causa of all trouble is misunderstanding, and misunderstanding alone, tho one outstanding point I want to make though hero is this: If it is a matter of education (tho subject of which I am now approaching), do not let us make the fatal mistako of dovpting our energies only to tho poor. It is tho rich who want educating every bit as much as tho poor, indeed, moro so, because relatively wealth brings tho greater responsibility, and it is undoubtedly the misuse ot wealth which was originally, and probably still is, tho main cuuso of protest and trouble. Education. "Now, having got to thia point, wo arc

face to face with a fact concerning winch I imagine there will be a general unanimity of feeling. And that fact is that tlio object tho Empire Service Leaguo aims at can only bo attained by means of tho tirst item on our programme, viz.: 'An educational policy, based on the principle of national service as against individual or class aggrandisement. ... A litllo reflection shows that tho future of a nation depends to an enormous cstoiit on the training of its young. Tho children of to-day are going to bo the voters and, therefore, the rulers ot to-morrow. But what sort of morrow will that to-morrow be, if «■ l>° llc .v 01 Taisso faire" in regard fo adult education, is adopted to-day? Can it be said that all is right with us at present, or that tho average citizen truly rcali.ses the nature and responsibility ol his citizenship? Is not apathy and-the npiri of selfishness and aggrandisement still rife within our gates, though for nearly four years now we have been fighting beyond them for the establishment oi moral law and the rights of olliors as' opposed to aggrandisement and the law of force? Is there any real chance ol our children winning through .to tho practice of purer ethics, if we—their parents—do not practice in our social, our business and our public lives, saner and purer ethics ourselves? True, Iho aduL mind is hard to change, but that does not mean that it is impossible to ' change it. Education is undoubtedly the keynote of tho Empire Service movement, but if that education is to bo confined to the young alone, I see a Brave danger. What I think is needed in addition, is a public campaign, a national crusade—apart altogether from churches, creeds, and politics—to create a new public opinion; a crusado supported by the whole thought and aclivo power of that already largo section of tlm people who aro to-day yearning for better things, led by men and women who believo in their etsse and who will act as such, and not as sheep. "And my second point is this--I have found a growing general cousonsus of opinion (in the South. Island particularly) that not only should the status and pay of the teacher bo raised, but that greater efforts should bo made to secure for tho profession the best and highest typo of men and women. . . .fino of tho most, if not tho most, noble, and responsible professions in tho world is tlio teaching profession. Teachers, to a largo extent, have tlio moulding of the future in their hands, because iff their hands are placed those on whom the future depends. But what inducements are offered in this high profession lo attract men and women of outstanding ability and character? ... I do say,, firstly, that the teaching profession ought to bo ns well, if not better paid, than other hieh and important professions, and, sccmidlv. that the status of the teacher in the social life of the community ought to be vcrv different from what it at present is: The Future of the League, "I havo tried to give a broad, accurate account of my experiences as tho result of n year's endeavour to further tho objects tho league has in view. I have to souio extent also expressed my own views on theso experiences. It now enly remains for mo to draw attention to certain salient features regarding the present condition of .this movement, which I am satisfied must now be considered if it is to become a real livo method of influencing opinion, and develop in the way the supporters of it sincerely desire. . . . This conference will not misunderstand me if I say this pioneer work has been most valuable in so far that it is clear (and 1. say this without the slightest hesitation) tho leaguo has been, launched at the psychological moment, and must become a real power for good if it can now be placed on a businesslike footing, and put into more concrete shape. It is chiefly for this purpose that this conference lias been summoned, and it is not too much lo say that upon tho result of this conference depends the fate of the league. For while, on .the one hand, 1 can declare with certainty that the possibilities Jooming up before us are almost slarfiing in their greatness 'and widespread effect, on tho other few things are more certain than if matters remain as they are, Ih eleague, sooner or later, is doomed to fall into the limbo of forgotten things. Letters from England, Canada, and from numorous friends in other countries, all confirm this view. Without exception they all eulogise the conception and tho motive, and they also comment on tho significant fact, that *«ew Zealand has once more inaugurated a movement which may influence and appeal to the whole Empire. BuV they also point out (hat if this is lo he don'o a definile organisation and a concrete programme will be required. At present wo have neither the one nor tho other. Neither have we a constitution or any system of finance—and while I, personally, am uncertain whether a constitution is. now advisable or not, I fihould bo shirking a plain duty if I did not toll this conference the ii'uestion of funds is imperative. With tin., help of ft few voluntary subscription.-: I havo managed to finance tho preliminary 6pado work for'tho first year. It is with real regret I am obliged to state it is not in my power to continue doing so for another oii(!, though I wish with all my heart it was. May I suggest then, that if this report is adopted, the conference should apply itsoß' to a consideration of these vital questions."

Constitution of the League. ' The conference spont the day in settling the lines of the organisation. A constitution was adopted, wh.wi set out the aims and objects of the league. ''The ideal at which the league aims," states the constitution, "is national unity, a closer and more sympa.;ietic comradeship and co-operation between all classes and citizens, and between all peoples and countries of the Empire, combined with the freedom of each of such peoples to manago its own affairs and to develop its own individuality, the privilege of self-government being extended to every community within- the Umpire that proves capable of exercising it,

"Tho league endeavours to approach the ideal of a Commonwealth founded on the priucipio of the service of each for all. by inculcating in tho people from childhood upwards the principle of duty, tho responsibility of citizenship, tho sanctity of the plighted word, and love of justice

"Evory movement of a non-party and un/icclarian character that has'for its object tho improvement of tho character and condition of tho people, whether from the spiritual, mental, physical, or material standpoint, and that renders thorn more efficient in tho dischargo of their I'osponsibilitics to their 1 State, their EmDire, and the world at large, will have tho league's hearty support. "The league seeks to improve and do"■'olop our national system of education, 'o, help in tho. reorganisation of our social and industrial system so as to ameliorate tho relations between the dif'erent classes and sections of the community, and to produce industrial harmony instead of 'strife, to combat materialism, which so taints our individual and national life, and (o purify our political system by securing the return to Parliament and to public bodies generally of men of high character, wide vision, experience, and moral courage, by ciisur•ng that tho country shall be governed on broad, democratic and statesmanlike lines, instead of being made tho football of party, by having the great Departments of State and the great public offices no longer treated as rewards' for services rendered to a political parly, but administered and filled by Iho most suitable men in tho community, and by the recognition on tho. part of nil leaders of tho body politic that democratic government can only survive if its citizens realise and fulfil their duly lo serve tho State eveu 'into death." The League's Activities, Among the subjects upon which the league, under its constitution, proposes to concentrate its energies, are the following: Citizonship and the service of the Slato in all its branches. Good Government of the Empire in general, of our own country, in particular, and of each of tho latter's districts and institutions. Tho education of the people. Social and industrial reorganisation. Tho lines upon which the league may he directed to effect its purpose arei Tho endeavour, by each member in his daily life, to give practical effect to the principle of freo sorvico of each for all; tho formation of branohes and groups for study and exchango of ideas; literary

propaganda, including articles in tho newspapers and nlngazines, public addresses, and meetings, formation of libraries, and the special encouragement in our educational institutions of Iho spirit of public service, the recognition of tho responsibilities involved in tho government of the Empire and the true meaning of democracy. Election of Officers, Officers woro elected ns follow:—Chair, man, Mr. Mason Chambers; secretary treasurer, Mr. Percival Witherby; assistant secretary, Captain Barclay (Wellington); members of executive, Miss Mabel Hodge am] Mr. J. Phillips (Hastings), Dr. Colt[uhoun (Dunedin), Mr. It. E. von Haast (Wellington, Mr. )!, I). Eell (Nelson and Sounds), Mr. G. E. Booth (Christchurch). The delegate from Amberley Branch (Mrs. Holchkiu) gave an encouraging report on the work of that branch, showing Unit under the auspices of tho Empire Service. League all classes in thacomnuinity had co-operated in patriotic effort, "affording," as the conference resolution of thanks slated, "au example of personal patriotic service ol Iho natui'o of which Iho league is proud." Motions were, adopted instructing the executive to secure all ofiicia! reports bearing on education and industrial problems from England, and tho iiiipnrUince of interesting university students in tlm work of tho leaguo was mentioned. Reports of an encouraging nature in regard to tft*- financing of the league's proposed activities were presented by the. various delegates, who in their first day's meeting placed the new organisation on a good business, foundation.

The conference resumes at ten o'clock this morning.