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HOW GERMANY SOWED THE TARES

* THE STORY OF THE INTERNATIONAL ATTEMPTS TO DOMINATE SOCIALISM SeaUd m an old-fashioned armchair upholstered in green velvet, ouce tno property of Douglas Jerroid, bcsido an equally olii-iasliioiied curioun circular revolving pedestal table of solid oak, at which tile lanions wit aim playwright wrote "Mrs. Caddie's (Turiaiii Lectures" and "Black-Eyed Susan," u representative of the Londoii "Observer" asked Mr. Adolpho Smith, the well-known Socialist, to relate f>om& cf his reminiscences of til* International, at whoso congresses ho has acted as official AngloFrench interpreter since IBS:!. Mr. Smith, <vho is 'a .-ion-in-law of Blanchtird i'errold, has had a strenuous carter. Hw study is n tfeasure-house of mementoes of liis adventures—Saxon anij Bavarian helmets found 011 the battlefield during tho Franco-German war, through which ha served i« tho French lted Cross Ambulauce; Gii'inan shells picked up in Paris during tho siege, and shells used later 'by the Communists, as well as uiany other fiouvenirs of that exciting tiiui*. But his greatest irtasure-houso is his memory, and from this varied Moro ho drew freely. "Although the Coinmuno was not. a Socialist movement," 'he remarked at the outset, as he displayed his souvenirs, "there was an element of Socialism in it. Under the Empire all Socialists were, of course, suppressed with an iron hand; but though, imperfectly organised they represented the Micleus of tlio French section of the International. It is a popular myth, by tlio way, which tho Germans have disseminated most assiduously, that the first or Old International owed its inception to Ivarl Mao. As ft matter of fact, its origin was due to Prince Jerome Buonaparte, who, early m tlio 'sixties, posed as a silk-and-satin revolutionary and made a. show of opposition _to Napoleon 111. During the International Exhibition of 18G2, Prince Jeromo used his influence to obtain a subsidy to enable some delegates of French trades to visit London to report technically on the ■ exhibits. From that visit sprang the idea which has since had so far-reaching effects. Among those delegates were the remarkable trio, Tolain, who rose to be ti senator, Fribroug and Limousin, and among tliosa who welcoHiwl t.licni lo England wero Georgo Odger, Randall C'renwr, afterwards knighted, and Lucraft. ■ Between them they conceived the idea of associating international'y tho workingclass organisations. "It was two or three years later, when this idea had ?rown and was becoming a force, that Karl Marx, who was then a refugee.in London, began to interfere,with tho result that tlio International was falling to pieces in consequence of German attempts to dominate it when tho great war of 1870 broke cut.

Karl Marx. "When I returned to landon in 1871," Mr. Smith continued, "Karl Mari was being denounced as an agent of Princo Bismarck, a fact Marx himself mentions in a letter, and there was a. frenzied internecino warfare raging botween his partisans on the one hand, and, on the other, thoso who resented German interference in their national offnirs. Tlio French, Italians, and Spaniards, as well as othor nations., stood shoulder to shoulder in this light, a coincidence not without signilicaiico at tho present time. History has been repeating itself—with variations.

"The upshot of this strifo wns the coniploto collapse of what is known as tho Old International, which read its own burial servico, if I may so express it, at a conferonco held at Tho Hague in 18711. Marx wns the primnry cause of the quarrel and collapse, an unenviable, distinc-1 tion shared by his 'right hand man and j evil genius,' Frederic Engels, a German capitalist who owned cotton mills in Manchester. Following tho method of German government, ho and Marx formed a secret circlo of their personal disciples, and deputed them to dominate foreign countries, as, lor instance, Paul La I'argue 111 Spain. Even in those distant days wo had evidence of the Gormans' love of domineering, their unscrupulousness, tlioir lack of conscientiousness—all prototypes of. modern frightfulness. ' 'I'ho Germans' passion for domination and lovo of intrigue have dono incalculable harm," deolared Mr. Smith with emphasis. "A constant, unwearying effort to dominate tho International has long characterised German policy. Karl Marx died in 1883, but 'the evil that men r-m t ? fter Anticipating a little, I should like to refer to what occurred at tho Zurich Congress in 1893. A Jingo wreathed portrait of Marx hung behind the platform, and round tho galleries, in different languages, was displayed his favourite motto: 'Workers of tho world, unite; you have only your chains to lose and a world to win*!' T'lio German delegates sat together benealh a sido gallery, and when n resolution was put, they rose as ono man, stood to attention like a lot of Prussian grenadiers, and held up their hands like automata, or with the precision of a squad in. a barrack square, fearful of tho tyranny of tlio- drill sergeant, By somo mischance a few of them held up their hands against a motion thev had been instructed to support. Herr Bcbel, ono of their leaders, bounced up, jumped off tho platform, rushed up to the men, and pulled down their hands! It is some consolation to know they dragoon their own subordinates just as they attempt to dragoon otlior nations. But eviiythlng was typical of tho German's lovo of dominanco-tho portrait, tho Marxian motto, the vote. As "Tho Times" said in its leader 011 August 17, 1893, referring to the Zurich Congress: "If wo are to believe tlio Germans, they aro the sole and original possessors of tho great secret. There is ono faith, and Karl Marx is its prophet, ami Kerr Frederic lingols is his consecrated sucI cessor."

The PossibDists and tho Imposslbilists,

"Leaving Geri.iau domineering for the present," Mr. Smith want on to say, "let mo refer to Dr. Paul lirousse, whom V met in 1882. Sears later he became .president of tho Paris Municipal Council. Ho it was who founded ia France the first Socialist Party, then known as tho j?ossibilists or Opportunists, as opposed to tho rigid disciples of Marx's theories led by Jules Juest, and known as the Impossibilbis. One of the lions in our path in thoso days was the Dufanro law against the International, by which anyone, especially a, foreigner, who attemptod to assist international lnbour organisations, was liable to five years' imprisonment. Brousso and I had to plan and scheme how to ovoiu {.bis danger. At that time Sir Edward Watkin's idea of constructing tho Channel Tunnel was before tho public. So v;s approached Sir Edward and suggested that it would promoto his scheme if we held in Paris a big demonstration of British and French Labour organisations. With tho aid of such big capitalists Sir Edward, Leon Say, Presidont Grevy, Ferdinand do Lessops, aud other strictly orthodox folk from a police standpoint, we were ablo to nrrange a splendid demonstration and laugh at the Dufaure law. As wo had tlio support of these big men the police feared lo touch us. So they conveniently forgot' Dufaure and his wicked works. "My next reminiscence brings German intrigue again to tho fore," continued Mr. Smith. "In 1883, Jules Ferry, who was then Prime Minister, rendered himself very unpopulnr by his alleged leaning towards Germany. In defiance of the Dufaure law wo determined to convoke, not a Congress, but a Conforencc—that is to say, a meeting which only those invited could attend. Wo were most careful not to invito tho Germans, but only representatives of tho Latin races, Italians, Spaniards, and Frouch, and tho British to give them balance. Thus on behalf of tho workers we wore opposing a policy of Anglo-Latin union against the Franco-German rapprocheinont which Jules Ferry was accused of favouring. If in tlicso circumstances ho had proceeded against us under tho Dufaure law, snob action on his part would have confirmed the impression that ho was really seeking a rapprochement with France's mortal enemy, nnd his unpopularity would have been groatly intensified. But he j

wisely held his hand and we retained our liberty. "Having thus twice driven a coach-and-four through iliis particular Act, and the Government having become more tolerant and liberal, we ventured in 18S(i to convoke in Paris, not a Conference but a Congress, whoso doors wcro open to all-comers, including Germans. Thus was the Second International brought into existence in 6i>ito of the Dufnuro law." Here Mr. Smith rose and drew from a cabinet a largo drawer, labelled "Home Rule v. Autocracj'," and tilled with care-fully-doekettcd papers, many of theiu yellow with age. "The fundamental fight from 18G6 to the present day," he resumed, "bus been between two conflicting principles: whether, on the 0110 hand, the International should be govorned from an autocratic centre, or whether, 011 the other, each nation should attend to its own affairs, but try to agreo on mich matters or questions as were ripe lor international action—republicanism, for example. Needless to say, Germany from the first has stood for autocracy, witih herself as the centre. The other nations have stood for Home Rule. This box contains a record of all our fights. Somo of tho pagers reveal Ivarl Mars as tho dictator—tho would-bo world dictator, "Despite rejieated rebuffs and defeats Germany fought hard for ,lier own hand. When tho Germans found our movement growing and becoming formidable, they started a rival international of their own, and in 1833 held a Congress in Paris at which, however, few besides tho Germans themselves wero present. Simultaneously t\nd also in Paris the Possibilista held an International Congress, which was well attended, a 6trong British col tingent swelling the ranks. The absurdity •if holding two congresses in thi3 fashion was obvious, and under pressure tho rival Internationals amalgamated. The first Congress of this amalgamation was held at Brussels in 1891, and i 6 denominated by many as the first Congress of tho prosent or Second International. "To check Germany's probable attempts at domination, Defuet, a Belgian Socialist, was Appointed general secretary. Unfortunately ho had to resign, and another Belgian, Jules Vilders, took his place. But he was a mere German tool and gave a German twist to tho whole organisation.

Sowing the Tares. "So this intrigue and other machinations far jnoro reprehensible went on trom year to year. Domination was Germany's Alpha and Omega. She dispatched emissaries to the smaller, weaker countries, such as Rumania, Serbia, and Bulgaria, where they created little groups who styled themselves Social-Democrats. They sent delegates strongly tinctured with Germanism of a kind to International Congresses and meetings of the Permanent International Buroau or Central Committee, until at last anything that was not thoroughly in accordance with German interests or views could not get a hearing, things had coino to such a pass that even before tha present' -war serious thoughts wore entertained as to tha advisability of organising some othor form of "intornalioiial association, in which it would be possiblo to discuss questions that did not interest Germany. •

"Although I have always been conscious of, and.have always fougat against German domination in internationalism,"Mr. Smith continued, "I certainiy did not clearly foresee that this domination might prove oi" great military service to the German. Ejnpire.. It is now qu-ite clear to me, however, Ibat much of the theoretical doctrines taught were of ft character which tended to weaken the sense of .national defence. So long as tliEso doctrines were not- udopted by tha Germans the'mselvw, that gave German militarism a. groat - advantage over other nations aniocß whom they obtained, Karl Marx's motto ;s calculated to mnko (ho workers vcvolt. The Germans make no attempt to throw oft' thoir own chains; they are not inclined to do so; but if they can indues other peoples to rovolc, it makes it all llic easier for Germ any 4 !? military power to defeat and conquer them. This is actually happening in Jtussia to-day .■

• -'And-it.-is not at all improbable," were Mr. Adolphe Smith's j-artiiiy'ivords, "indeed, it is vory highly probiiblc.lhat it is German luindti that have • sown broadcast; the tares of disaffection and caused this wild liavvcst' of. labour unrest and revolt in'so many parts of the civilised world."

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19180518.2.5

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 205, 18 May 1918, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,013

HOW GERMANY SOWED THE TARES Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 205, 18 May 1918, Page 2

HOW GERMANY SOWED THE TARES Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 205, 18 May 1918, Page 2

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