THE IRISH PORTS

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 181, 20 April 1918, Page 8

THE IRISH PORTS

$ IRELAND THE HELIGOLAND OF THE ATLANTIC THE SINN FEIN DANGER Since the beginning of the great struggle for the liberation of mankind from the menace of Prussian militarism the Navy League (states a circular memorandum from the Navy League) has given constant and carefully-considered attention to the vital necessity of the maintenance of Imperial control over the harbours and communications of Ireland. In July, 1916. the executive committee of the league sent a Special Commissioner to Ireland to prepare a confidential report on the situation which then manifested itself. The result of this report was the issue of a public statement which emphasised the important position occupied by Ireland in' the whole scheme of Imperial defence. In view of recent developments in Ireland the executive of the league has again given earnest consideration to tbe grave danger which would inevitably arise from any weakening of Allied naval dominance in Irish waters—a danger which in almost measure affects alike the United States and the British Empire. As the outcome of mature deliberation it has been decided to present the grave issues involved to the rjpople of America as well as to repeat them to the people of tho United Kingdom and His Majesty's oversea dominions.

Before the Great War the secuv'ty of the Irish ports was wrongly regarded by the majority of the British people as a partisan British interest. The scales fell from our eyes after war broke out. The trade of Europe with Canada, the United States, the West Indies, tho Gulf of Mexico, the Panama. Canal, the Caribbean Sea, all the Republics of South 'America, all the States of the Australian Commonwealth, New Zealand, China, Japan, Russia in the Pacific, Iγdin, Ceylon, and Africa are dependent entirely upon the control of Irish seaports and the communications behind them.. The British are interested in keeping liish ports out of German ?ontrol, but not exclusively interested. The British people before the war were mistaken in regarding Queenstown, Bantry Bay, Valentia, and Lough Swilly as merely British interests. Ireland has 18 harbours; five of them are fi rsWiiss harbours. The best of them face rtic Atlantic Oce'an, which floats the trade of the world. . Friendly naval control of Irish harbours by free nations is essential to the freedom of tho world. The ocean of the air, the surface of. the sea and underwater attack or defence will be controlled, not from Purtsinoulh in Hampshire, or from Plymouth <n Devonshire, or from Lowestoft in Suffolk, or from Invergordon in the Cromacty Firth, but from Irish western ports. Strategically invaluable, the Irish ports and communications cannot be suffered to blackmail free nations.

What Heligoland is to Hamburg, Bninsbuttel and Sylt, Ireland in hostile hands is to the Mersey, tli» Clyde, the Severn and the Seine, will; the ,»reat industrial centres in those rver. vailejo. Therefore naval control of Ireland by a naval representative •'? the free nations of tho world is essential to the freedom of the world. It wmld be better that Ireland should be '.ni'ler Argentine r Chinese control thnn under Germany.

The United States, which is so thoroughly alive \o -he extent and character of German intrigue, will appreciate the significance of t.he follovim; cabli-.-<?ram which irPwVd England from Renter's ' representative 'u Switzerland ; n the- early days of November. 1917:— "The Zurich "Volkwclit," the leading Socialist orran of Eastern Switzerland, publishes in ih issue of November 3. IDI7, a nuiniW of important Germ.m official documents Hating to the Cnsement consniracv. One lettpr written from the Berlin Foreign Office, under date of DpceP'ber 28, 19U, is nrldrew! to Caseme"t Ivy the Under-Secretary nf Stnte for Foreign Affairs, Herr Zimmerman. It states that the Imperial Government has accepted Casement's proposal for the formation of an Irish Briwlc I" H»ht onlv in the cause of Iri«h rationality under the. conditions contained in the contract ph'endv excluded ment and the German Government. "These conditions provided that '"n # certain circumstances the Irish Briirad" should be sent to Ireland well furnished with stores and munitions to help to equip the Irish for a united attempt to restore freedom to Ireland by '"''"" Pof arms. Among the special conditions mentioned were the fallowing, namely, that in the event of a German naval victory rendennf: it possible to reach Ireland, the German Government undertook to assist the Irish Brigade with a , German auxilia,rv corps under the command of German officers in German transports, which would be landed on the Irish coast. The landing in Ireland would, however, only bi , considered expedient in the event of a German victory offering jrood prosnecrs for a successful passage to Ireland, failing which' f'e Irish Brigade would be employed in Germany or elsewhere; solely, however in the- manner already asreed upon with Casement. Tn such a contingency the Irish Brigade might be sent to Egypt to render assistance in restoring Egyptian independence."

Wp cannot nlay with these forces.. 'No sensible Englishman, Scotchman, Welshman. Irishman, fanndinn. Australian, or South African desires to pr-n-ml the transaction on Irish /-oil of nfl'iirs that nro eoecifirnlly end exclusively Irish. But the British Empire, ivith its Allies ami supporters in the. spiritual and material struggle with Germany, must come first. Ireland in the nature of thinss must be eilher German or British —using the word "British" ns representative of the free nations of Hid world. After tho lesson of the rebellion of May. WIG, neither Britain nor thn United States of America can suffer Irish communications to full into the hands of an ally of Germany. The,Sinn' Fein movement demnnds "Independence." Sinn Tein comprises an overwhelming majority of what was up to Easter, 1916. Nationalist Ireland. Recognising I hat we are bound to consider what would be the effect of the achievement even temnowri'v of Irish "Independence" upon the nniflish-speiikinir world which, with France and Italy, is lighting for the freedom of mankind, it cannot be too earnestly urged thai it is as important to America na lo Iho British Empire that, under no circumstances must the control of Irish coastal defence and Irish communications be, subordinated to the domination of any form of Government, which, in tho wisdom of statesmen, it may be thought desirable to establish in Ireland.