The Dominion WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1918. AMERICA AND THE BOLSHEVIKI

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 149, 13 March 1918, Page 4

The Dominion WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13, 1918. AMERICA AND THE BOLSHEVIKI

i The attitude of America towards the Bolsheviki may appear a little puzzling to those unacquainted with the traditional sympathy of the United States for what has been described as "liberal movements." President Wilson's message to the Congress of Soviets at Moscow cabled to-day is in effect a direct declaration of approval of the aims of the revolutionaries and a pledge of support for their effort to securo democratic independence. Yet President Wilson cannot approve of the actions of Lenin and Trotsky in agreeing to a peace the terms of which will place the Russian people still further under tho heel of Germany and possibly disrupt tho national unity of Russia beyond repair. What, then, are the motives underlying America's attitude and action t The answer perhaps is not difficult to discover. _ Me. David Lawrence, 'the Washington correspondent of the New York Evening Vast, who is reported to be on specially intimate terms with the Government authorities at Washington, discussed the question in a communication to his paper early _in February, and ho plainly anticipated- action by President Wilson on the lines now, taken. His reasons for expressing this belief were distinctly interesting. Friendliness to the Bolsheviki, he stated, was becoming more and more pronounced in Government circles in AVashington, for they felt that in Russia lay the key to the situation in Germany. Strikes and industrial unrest in Germany were as much the result of Bolshevik l infection as of political events within the Central Powers. The programme of the .Bolsheviki has a tremendous hold on the Russian peasantry because of their argument for a new internationalism that shall release the working people of Germany from bondage, as it has released the masses in Russia. Hcnco wo have President Wilson, whilo expressing friendly sentiments toward the now Russia, carefully avoiding any display of a vindictive spirit toward the masses in Germany and Austria. It will be remembered that in his speeches and references to Germany and Austria President Wilson has specially emphasised his sympathy with tho desires of the masses for that_ full liberty which can only bo attained under a democratic form of Government. On every possible occasion he has sought to encourage and strengthen the demc* era tic cause in the Central Empires. In pursuing this policy he is not merely indicating to tho masses in Germany and Austria .the sympathy of tho United States with their liberal political aspirations, but he is acting in harmony with tho plans and objects of tho Bolsheviki. Both President Wilson and the Bolsheviki aim at the overthrow of autocracy and military despotism, and both aro seeking in their own way to influence the masses in the Central Empire's to rise_ in revolt against existing conditions.

Ib docs not follow, however, that America approves of Lenin and Trotsky or their methods. President Wilson is not concerned with individuals who for the moment may pose as the leaders of tho new movement in Russia; his concern is for the Russian nation. Mn. Lawrence, in stating the position from the American point of view, says that while Lenin and Trotsky may have personally expressed themselves in a manner calculated to arouse irritation in tho United States, tha disposition of tho Gov-

ernmcut was to allow nothing personal to interfere with the fundamental principles of democracy, of which the Lenin-Trotsky Government are tho present exponents. By way of illustration he points out that some,caustic Notes passed back and forth between Oarranza and tho American Government, but when it seemed to the United States Government that Carranza had obtained a military supremacy in Mexico, and that his liberal programme w;as approved by the masses, recognition was extended. So, in spite of the objections to Lenin and Trotsky personally, President Wilson has not hesitated to extend his sympathy and to promise his support to the Russian Soviets in whose counsels Lenin and Trotsky are the dominating figures. While Britain and Franco are hesitating to recognise the Bolshevik Government America has moved in that direction, the American theory, as stated by Mr. Lawrence, being to help a nation to its feet by recognition rather than to await the actual establishment of a Government strong enough really not to need outside support.

The timo is coming: (this writer added) whon the United States, in company with her Allies, must lend t'ho weight of their influence to tho stabilising of a Government in Petrograd, hoping that history will repeat itself—that as has happened many times before, the radicals will be sobered by tho possession of power and world-wido recognition and demean themselves with due regard to' the interests of other nations. A better understanding with tho Bolshevik Government means a checkmating of German plans and assistance to the labouring classes in Germany, who are already straining at the leash of autocracy.

No doubt there is a good deal to be said in favour of 1 the American point of view regarding recognition of the Bolsheviki. It is obvious that their propaganda amongst tho niasses in Germany and Austria has caused great uneasiness in Government circles there; but it is certainly asking a great deal of the Allies to expect them to place any trust in a party which has already repudiated Russia's national _ oblifations and betrayed its friends. resident Wilson's message to this Congress of Soviets may serve a useful purpose. It may help to remove doubts created by the proposed intervention by Japan as to the friendliness of the Allies towards Russia; and the assurances of support may assist 'to_ strengthen and encourage that active antagonism to Germany which is the natural outcome of tho outrageous peace treaty which Germany extorted from tho Russian delegates at the peace farce at Brest Litovsk and which has now been confirmed by the Soviets.