THE FUTURE OF TRADE UNIONISM

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 139, 1 March 1918, Page 9

THE FUTURE OF TRADE UNIONISM

AN ANALYSIS AND .SOME SUGGESTIONS

INDEPENDENCE AND

UNITY

(By W. A. Apploton, Secretary of the Genera! Federation of Trade Unions,

in the London "Observer.")

To understand the trade union movement it is necessary to possess knowledge of its history and its objects. Within the space of a newspaper article it is only possible to suggest history and indicate objects. The object specifically set forth in all trade union rules is tha securing for labour by collective effort that share of the results of labour which is necessary to maintain physical and montal efficiency, to, promoto happiness, and also to provide for such contingencies as, families, periods of unemployment, and old age.In pursuit of this clearly outlined-and definite object the trade union. movement lias had to surmount many obstacles. Blind, unreasoning prejudice, misrepresentation, and savage application of laws designed to destroy, have for a hundred years opposed the movement, driven it underground, and bred hostility, while exploitation _ by parasitic politicians has diverted it from its own particular aims to -more -jjener-al ones. As the obstacles vary m kind cr intensity, so have the methods of surmounting them. Strikes, threats of strikes, sabotage, "oa' canny," and \ legislative action have been _ tried, | separately and collectively. . None of these, however, has fairly and generally secured for labour on- equitable share in the results it has produced., Employers' Mistakes. : : Both employers and workmen are to blame for this failure, but hiain.e rests most heavily on the part of employers, for they are only'now beginning to know that costs of production are determined by methods rather than. by wages. Far too many employers have' neglected the study of industrial economics. Far too many have ignored men's needs and-denied men's rights, not always because employers were inherently selfish and bad, but because they behoved that success had been achieved if dividends, .were . high and reserves satisfactory. They had been taught also to believe' that the surest way to provide'dividends'and reserves was to secure at all .tinie.s. a supply of labour-which, was cheap-and abundant ; enough to meet either periodic'orperjmanent expansion. Holding, such views, employers resisted, everything in tho slfape of collective bargaining, adopted the boycott, passed. savagely repressive laws, controlled,the' administration of these laws,,- aiid imagined that all was well and would continue well. Workmen disagreed with theso conclusions and conflict was inevitable. No intelligent man will 'continue to eu;Jure wrong while any means of fighting wrong comes within his reach. In the battle against low wages, Jong hours, ill-health, and very limited" and imperfect opportunities, the workman has always been compelled to use whatever weapons were available.. The nature of his fight and sufferings which follow defeat' prohibited undue consideration of his opponent. The economic policy of employers drove him to copy their own methods and to-with-hold the labour he had for .sale , when the price left him an adverse or an insufficient margin. ■ If his strikes failed, he haft recourse to sabotage or rattening, and when : the penalties for theso infringements or the law becamo too certain' and too severe, he went "ca' canny" or attempted political action. Sabotage Stupid, - Sabotage and "ca' canny" aro alikestupid. The best- workman known this. Tho tormei destroys property, which tlie worker'must'sooner or later replace, while the latter lowers moral standards and personal effectiveness. It is, in addition, H method costly to tho workers themselves, Tor they conetituo tho great majority of consumers, and tho consumer pays the added costs of production which restriction of output involves. Political action has «]- ways enamoured moil. By it ono'appears likely to get something for ii.otiimg if ono can only talK loud enough. AH ol us at different periods in our lives have expected Parliament to consummate the millennium. Ail of us havo boon disappointed. In dealing with what may bo described as the hygienics of industry, Parliament can go far ahead of the ignorant employer and compel a desirable uniformity, but when it interferes with wages it invites trouble, for wages are affected ns ove'ry student of economics knows, by factors which, even-a Socialist nialority cannot control." .

Danger lies .in the way. cf Parliamontary interference y.-jtli wages or with the workman's liberty to-Mil his labour whoro he chooses. The past three years have offered many, examples of the danger which folluws undue interference by the politician. If I have to choose between strikes or revolution, I. prefer strikes. They aro cheaper than revolution, and though thn community may suffer loss and inconvenience, the State escapes catastrophe Let there ba no mistake concerning 'my attitude towards tho Parliamentary representation of the Labour movement. Such representation is an absolute necessity, but I hold it to be equally necessary, to keep oaeh organisation distinct and autonomous, The two movements have many tilings in common, but they progress by different routes and they approach problems of grave ' importance from different points of vie , .* , . -J*, would bo stupid to disregard tlie possibilities that arise from collaboration, but it would bo tqually stupid to ignore the differences that exist or for either to seek to absorb tlie other. The politician line fewer financial responsibilities thru, the trade unionist-, and consequently can afford to be less cautious. Further than this, a political Labour Party may feel justification for subordinating national interests to international ones, but the trade union movement cfii'uot oxnerimpnii in \altriiisms of this kind. > .

Craft ,Verst!s Indusjjrja! Unionism.

Preferring strike to revolution, and being anxious .that' t'.io Government should have no justification for promoting revolution by interfering unduly in the differences that arise •between Capital and Labour, I am naturally anxious to secure the best form of organisation for promoting and conducting strikes where these become necessary. This organisation should be capable, too, of preventing strikes because it is intelligent enough to anticipate, and powerful enough to negotiate on equal terms with any employer or any association of employers. Two forms of unionism find adherence in this country; the industrial and the craft. Industrial unionism makes place of occupation the basis of organisation rather than'character of occupation. Jn other words it is wliere a man works and not what a man does that is to determine his union, if industrial unionism dominates. Craft unionism, on tho other hand, follows tradition and aims at binding together all men who work on similar materials, use similar tools, and produce similar results. Tho methods of the industrial unionist are, to a great extent, political, while tho craftsman aims at securing improvements by withholding from the capitalist that commodity bo has to sell — labour.

, In deciding which form of organisation is best, one must have regard to the psychological characteristics of tho people, ,, and to tho standards of skill and intelligence nlnch obtain -jn tho

areas tlio organisation is to cover. In Britain, where people are inherently individualists aim whore the standard of skill and intelligence is jibqyc.the averago, where also the desire for autonomous self-government amounts almost to passion, the craft'union offers that form of organisation most likely to succeed, and it is in. the craft union and its logical development that I expect to find the machine most suitable for the workmen's industrial needs. It is difficult to imagine any real or ultimate benefit resulting from any system which compels craftsmen of various kinds to bury their craft individuality. It. at once involves sympathy and: mutual help amongst the men performing the same kind of work, and apart from such sympathy .there would not have been the trade organisations which exist, to-day. The craft, .union elects men to its executive who understand the nature and the possibilities of the business they have to deal with and who are capable of negotiating -technical agreements with individual employers or with employers' associations.

What is Needed. . No one suggests that the craft union has reached its highest, form of development. With the increasing modifications in methods of production and; the consequent approximation of- skills, it is necessary that- the craft unions should take their position into serious consideration and evolve a basic contribution for strike purposes, a businesslike system of transfers where raeu pass from one place of industry to :the other, and an organised system ■ : «I amalgamation where the cpnditions in related trades mak'o amalgamation possible. If this programme .was earned out it-would sooir lesult in a smaller number of unions, but the full beneht would not follow ■ unless those unions or amalgamations oE unions were "themselves centrally, federated. This federation should be representative of all, unions- ahd should possess departments for educational-work, for intelligence, and.for finance. -The trade union of tho : future, ought .to have at 'its service officirtVwhq -])os■'s'ess a kiiowledgo of industrial jrcouo-. lilies, commercial geography, and .-international exchange,■ and they.must have sources-of .statistical , , and commercial information whichihe rank.and. file will regard as untainted; and which will" enable-.them to' strike ■ or- wait, whichever is the. wiser: policy .to adopt. : The' ordinary principles; of Is'suranco .must be'adopted in.-tlie-'trado.;union • movement,-.if' it' is to:achieve ■ mum of success;;.- It is.impossible at -.anytime to"say where particular.:blows may-fall;. If-'unioiis-.have reinsured :a portion "Of thoir liabilities .with a.'central federation; their lighting capacity will ■ be- .enormously- increased. . - All 'those-: things-, 'the .trade union-move-ment ' can have without merging •.; its identity- in - organisations' differently •constituted, and , having different objectives, or'without sacrificing its autonomy.. .And all these things It might have'had.to-day had it. not been for the. intrigues of politicians, and the i jealousies of trade unionists, who_ set their own'ambitions before the unification of. tho movement they represent.

The General Federation. ; ■ Seventeen years ago a. federation-\ylncli

was designed .to accomplish this..unification came into existence-. Tlie.Parliawentary Committee of. the. ..Tra'clwi JJuion Congress, faced by. a" . clomalid, and lacking ijiitiatiyo anjLibilstrlictiye ci<|)ii(-ity,. .assisted .in the ..fohna'tion, pul-Hcio ifjs. own ...artibit, .of the Geriei.al ■Federation' uf Trade;' Unions. . Twelve months. later, with equal fatuity,., it assisted in tho •formation of. the . Labour Party, . unci so. divorced itself from the only two functions that justified its..existence. . Logically; it should have .arranged 7 for. its .flwri interment, but ii ;aid. not, '.'. lii.;.staye.d : on. t6 l'ullil itn original functions of aifprding annual opportunities for tlio' ..aiscils--61011 of .any. subje.ct, political,'religious, or otherwise,- which any qffiliated ; .bpdy cai-ed to pjace oh its, liuhlly to interview. Ministers of. ...the Crown on. matters arising ..out,'of .its annual mcoting.... .'.', .' . , .

It soon appeared that mentary ■ Committee, had achieved that case which usually' precedes dissolution. Alarm ensued, now activities were instituted, questions of demarcation arose, and in order to avoid open conflict , and damage to working-class interests, the General Federation, suggested tile formation of a committee representative of the three'bodies! The suggestion was adopted, and what was known as the. Joint; Board continued until 1915, when intrigues which liad been continued over a number of years culminated' in the resolution moved at the Trades "Union Congress by Mr. Robert Smillie and seconded by Mr. J. H./fliomrts, M.P., which drove the. General Federation from official . colkboration with, the other two organisations.- • This ■ decision .was dictated ■ by the politicians who feared the,, development of an organisation which eschewed politics and aimed at securing improvements by direct action. The excuse advanced-.was tlie need for. clearly sop--aratuig tho political from "the industrial sido of the movement,. but smee ■the vote of \tlie Birmingham. Congress there lias beeuno.attempt.whatever to delimitate functions.. The, Parliamentary Committee is.still political tlian industrial; its animal gathering still- discusses most subjects under the sun and the traditional • attendance upon' Ministers of tho Crown continues With a political Labour Party and a General Federation of Trade. Unions in existence its ' ! raison d'etre" lias passed, but old associations die slowly, and many of those who are growing old in tlie Labour movement would sacrifice a little logic for,, the sake of what has been. It is obviously impossible for the Parliamentary. Committeo' to recover from the Labour Party the political powers it has lost, but it is not impossible for it to eomo to an understanding witl. tlie General Federation if it will jettison what remains- ot its nolitical''functions-and devote vtselt Ivhollv to binding together tho trade union" interests of the workers.

The Immediate Task,

Hero lies, the immediate task—the consolidation of the real trade union movement. Let it Lo. quite snparate and autonomous. Let it decline groupings which jeopardise its existence and nlaco its numbers and its funds, under he control and at tho service- of men ,-ho are not in it, and whose, aims arc foreign to it. To-day it is servant where it ought fa. be master. Its iehabitation and its. salvation lie _ in•freedom from control of other organisations in die use of its funds for industrial instead of political purposes) in tho logical development, of the craft ideal,-in the amalgamation of all similar trades and the federation or all amalgamations. ,■ If ■ the Parliamentary Committeo of the Trades Union Congress has courage and capacity enough to revise its constitution and gather together tho distinctly trade union forces, it may continue as the premier trade union organisation ; if it hesitates or fails,- some other body must take up the task. The present situation is "dangcr.ous, expensive, and intolerable.' The conferences of recent weeks are illustrativo of the position which exists. Thousands .of pounds of trade union money havo been spent on delegates' fares and expenses, and trade union votes have* been swamped by'the duplicated , votes of non-trade union groups, who are entitled to attend tho'Tiaboiir Party gatherings. .These conferences did not even profess, to discuss, trade- .union interests. . Thoy arose out', of iiorsqnal ambitions and political o.tiarre'R. but the trade unions pay, and iiot only. 'pav. hut are put in confljofc with the sense and aims of thoir fellows in Allied countries. Tho light to' recover freodoin "ffijl 'bo bitter,' for tho politician

will not easily give up his prey, but if : tho straight men, who are trade unionists'-'-first and politicians afterwards, will put their hearts into the work success" is certain, tor tho rank and'-'.'file are already asking why their contributions _ are higher while their benefits remain as before.