The Dominion. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1918. ANOTHER CRISIS PASSES

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 133, 22 February 1918, Page 4

The Dominion. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1918. ANOTHER CRISIS PASSES

. Most people probably will be inclined to agree with Mr. Asquith's view that it is regrettable that Mr. Lloyd George's speech now to hand was not mado a week ago. Britain and the • Empire have passed through a week of deep doubt and grave anxiety because of the British Prime Minister's hesitancy to fully explain the functions of the Versailles Council.' Tho differences which it was plain had arisen between the Government and its chief military advisers at a time when the Allies were in daily expectation of a groat German offensive on the West front were calculated to shake public confidence in Britain and to dishearten the peoples of our Allies. That Mr. Lloyd George has now been able to present the position in a satisfactory light and to sweep away tho most of the alarmist ideas which have-gained currency is a matter to bo profoundly thankful for. The Prime Minister did not attempt to conceal the fact that so far as the British Government's chief military advisers arc concerned there have been strong differences of opinion as to tho course which should bo pursued to ensure that coordination of effort between the Allied military commanders which is essential to the forces at their disposal being utilised to the best advantage. Mr. Lloyd George frankly admitted that both Sir William Robertson, Chief of Staff, and Sir Douglas Haig, Com-mander-in-Chief of the British! Forces in France, were opposed to the measures favoured by our Allies, but whereas tho former proved irreconcilable and rejected outright the suggestions designed to overcome his opposition, Sir Douglas Haig agrccd,_ subject to certain modifications which had since been made, to work under tho new arrangement. Faced with the choice of abandoning the scheme of a central authority Versailles with which all our Allies were in complete agreement, or of losing the valued services of their Chief of Staff, the Government were placed in a difficult position. It required high courage and great strength of purpose to decide that Sir "William Robertson's services must be sacrificed, for the Prime Minister would know as well as anyone that it was not merely that the Government and the country would be deprived of the services of a brilliant officer in whom tho country had great confidence, but that the moral effect of liis retirement would be far-reaching and that Ministers would ho subjected to attack and calumny liable to undermine tho power and influence of the Government. But the Prime Minister states the position unanswerably: "If the Versailles policy was right no personalities, however valuable, important, or distinguished, should stand in the way of its execution. If the policy was wrong no Governments ought to stand in tho way of its bqing instantly defeated." Mr. Lloyd George in his speech showed clearly enough that the balance of opinion

was against Sir William Robertson's views. In the circumstances no other course than that which was taken would on the facts available appear to have been possible.

It could not be expected that the British Prime Minister would disclose in any detail the decisions of the Versailles Conference. He has made it abundantly plain that the stop decided on is one of immense importance, and one which has been urged in various quarters for many months past as the only possible means of securing concerted and coordinated efforts on the part of the Allies, through lack of which they havo been placed at a disadvantage throughout the war. Some time ago a Central Authority of an advisory nature was created; now a still more- powerful Central Authority with executive power has bcon established at Versailles. How far this will encroach on the powers and liberty of action.of the military chiefs of the Allied countries .whose representatives constitute the Central Authority is not disclosed, but two facts were stated clearly j enough. Mr. Lloyd George in the I House of Commons made this definite statement: "Our representative at Versailles must have the most perfect freedom to discuss and recommend plans. If the Commander-in-Chief did not approve, or il there was a difference of opinion amongst the various representatives, then the Government would ! decide." This would seem to reasonably safeguard the position of the British Commander-in-Chief, and Mr. Lloyd George added further that there was no derogation of authority by the Government, and that the British Chief of Staff would be the chief adviser to the Government in tho event of any such difference of opinion. In tho House of Lords Viscount Curzon stated the position still more clearly. . Sir Douglas Haig, he said, was still in full control of his own troops. Tho only difference was that the Supreme War Council would have certain troops at its disposal which it could add to Haig's forces or send elsewhere, according to the needs of the moment. No doubt the policy being pursued is in the nature of an experiment, and prejudices havo to be overcome, but it is the only means by which it is possible to secure concentration and unity of effort between the armies of the Allies which will ensure their most effective use against the enemy. That there should have been suoh unanimity amongst the representatives of the Allies on the Supreme Council as to t'he best means by which the desired end could bo attained should augur well for its success.