BRITAIN'S CALL

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 102, 23 January 1918, Page 6

BRITAIN'S CALL

SIR AUCKLAND GEDDES ON MAN-POWER BILL A MASTERLY SURVEY [The Press Association reports '•which' reached : New Zealand, via Sydney,' of "the speech' delivered' by Sir Auckland Geddes (British Minister for National; Service),, when introducing the Man-Power Bill in the House of Commons, -wore very much condensed. In view of tho importance of the fiubject, and the admirable quality of tho speech, we reproduce the very much fuller reports which were published by Jhe Australian Press.] ( "London, January 15. In the' House of Commons to-night Sir Auckland Geddes (Minister for National Service) mado an important statement reviewing the whole question of rnaji-power, which he declared was the central problem of the war. Every day Britain's hitting force was becoming more important to the Allies. And .Britain' must prepare to play a larger part in tho battlefield until America was ready, but not at the expense of. vital national industries, nor regardless of the Navy and food. Ho emphaeised the all-importance of the Navy. We have trodden some strange paths with little profit, since 1914. Let us return to-.the faith of our forefathers, and recognise that on the sea and by the sea we live.

The Government had examined the entire question of the strength and teharaoter and composition of the. forces of ourselves and our Allies and enemies in the light of the situation in Russia. Tho result of the inactivity of [Russia was that 950,000 additional German troops would be available for the forces on the Western front and several Austro-Hungarian divisions for the Italian front. Taking everything into consideration tho Russian defection •would possibly mean 1,600.000 Austro<Jerraan troops available for elsewhere. Nevertheless the resources of tho Allies .were sufficient, to assure victory. Nothing but a psychological catastrophe in one or other of the Allied countries could save the, Central Powers.

' The Government had most carefully .considered the question of casualties, nnd determined that carelessness as regards human life should be stamped out everywhere, He was not accusing any admiral or general of recklessness, hut was simply laying down an essential general principle. Before asking the House to consider demands ( fqr moro men, ho wished to show what the British League of Nations had done.

What Britain has Already Civen In Men. ■ T n August, 1914, the personnel of ' the Navy was 150,000, and of the_ regular Army (including reserves) 450,000, and, the Territorials 250,000. Now the personnel of the Navy was 400,000, »uid of tho 'Army 4,000,000. The Air Service strength in 1914 was 2000. Today it was 125,000. However, to. the abave figures must be added the killed and missing, prisoners, and discharged men, taking everything into considera•tioi the, effort of the British nations under the heading, "Provision of Men for the Armed' Forces ,of the Crown," amounted to not less than 7,500,000. 'England had contributed 4,530,000 men, Scotland 620,000, Wales 280,000, Ireland 170,000, and the Dominions and; colonies 900,000.. The remaining million was composed of native fighters, labour corps, carriers, and others. This represented a splendid contribution by India and the various African and other dependencies. But even these figures failed to indicate our total effort, for they took no account of manufactures of munitions, shins, nav.il and mercantile, aircraft, the incrsised production of food, iron, ore, oil,'and supplies of all kinds.we furnished to our Allies. If this effort was to be carried on and our sacrifices were not to be in vain, our armies must be maintained throughout 1918. Their demands could bo met from two sources. Firstly, from roserves at home and abroad; secondly, '. from men remaining in civil life. Even after readjusting the home armies to enable.: the greatest possible proportion to be sent abroad it would still be necessary to raise 450,000 from the men ■still in civil life.-, This was an absolutely minimum requirement. The lowering of *tho military age, except as a last resort, was contrary to' natural instincts and economically unsound. The Government mo strongly that it would be contrary to iiational interests to raise the ace iimit whilst large numbers of fit youths were employed in civjl life; men wh<eould be released without seriously enclangering essential work. The Government was satisfied that the reasons .which led to the exclusion of Ireland from the Military Service Act had lost none of their cogency. The Commons and Cabinet had determined to make available for the [military forces a very large number of youths engaged in essential industries, replacing them with women and fO. l liier soldiers. This would leave in civ l ' life a largo reserve of men over 41 which our enemies would not possess, and which could he thrown into.th wale if necessarr.

The pacifists were now attempting to stir up strife in the munition works, and tho youths engaged in vital industries were threatening to hold up the output of ships and aeroplanes in order to force the Government to exempt them. This would mean the sending of wounded and older men to

the front, and the limiting; or ~ stopping of soldiers' leave. If tho threat were carried out these youths would meet a blast of hatred and contempt which would surprise them. Equality of Sacrifice. Tho main object of the proposals was to secure equality of sacrifice as far as practicable. A Bill was now being introduced which provided for the abolition of the two months' exemption granted to men leaving certified occupations. The effect would be that such men would join the Army more rapidly and more numerously than hitherto. The Bill also empowered the withdrawal of certificates of exemption granted on occupational grounds. A large number of men wero at present holding such certificates who were engaged in work of practically no national importance. Aitw mentioning that over a millfo:i men held protection certificates ■which at present were cancellable, Sir 'Auckland Geddes proceeded to explain that only men fit for general service would be taken- from vital industries, nnd the number required would be secured by a clean cut, determined on an ago basis, for each particular occupation. Shipping was a vital problem. Every ton built or saved from the submarine?, or economised by substituting home production for imports, meant a ton available to bring the American foroes into tho field. Our enemies wore staking everything upon our failure to solve the problem. Our success in solving it would mean a certain vicwrv.

Aliens would not henceforth be employed ;n certain restricted occupations of an unessential character without a permit. "' Uninterned enemy aliens, if tit, must do national work or be interned. Arrangements were being mado for the extension of em-.

ployiuent of schoolboys, of whom 4000 were successfully used last season, witii tho Boy Scouts, for harvesting and clearing land,

Women munition workers (including Admiralty workers) numbered nearly 815,0:i r J at the end of 1917, compared with 227,000 in 1914, and still more women of all classes were necessary.

He expressed his thanks to the military authorities of the New Zealand, South African, and Newfoundland contingeats who consented to grant fur--10-ic.li to tho drilled agriculturists for work on the land. Their timely help, coming at a critical period in the agricultural cycle, had been greatly appreciated. Public opinion. Sir Auckland Geddes deeply impressed the House of Commons and tho Pras3. The majority of tho newspapers applaud his passionate roproof of industrialist shirkers who aro threatening to strike. The "Daily News" suggests that Britain should largely transfer the homo army to the front. It describes the_ iden of invasion as grotesque insanity.

Tne "Post" thinks that tho justice of the attitude towards shirkers is incomplete while Ireland is omitted. The "Daily Chronicle" describes the Government's policy as "fair all round."