THE CALL TO THE MANHOOD OF BRITAIN
SECRET SESSION ON THE MAN-POWER BILL PRIME MINISTER TALKS FRANKLY TO THE TRADE UNIONS By Telegraph-Press Aesooiation-Copvrisht ' London, January 18. It is officially stated that a societ session of the House of Commons was held to consider the Man-Powor Bill. After a discussion, in -which the Prime Minister spoke, the second leading was carried without a division. The Bill was then committed to Committe of the whole House.—Aus.-N.Z. Cable Assn.-Reuter. PRIVATE MEMBER PRECIPITATES THE SESSION PROVISIONS OF THE BILL ALLEGEDLY INADEQUATE. (Rec. January 20, 5.5 p.m.) London, January 13. The secret session arose with dramatic suddenness as the result of Mr. J. M. Hogge stating that he had learnt certain facts at a private conference which showed that the proposed (haft of 450,000 men would be inadequate to meet the military situation. Mr. Hoggo said that the Government tad not given the House'an adequate statement regarding the war. "I know fucts," said lie, "though I cannot state them. The present conditions of wur aie not as the Government has stated them to the House, and the man-power proposals under the Bill are ibsurd—a mere fleabite—and will not meet the situation. It is fooling the Houso and the public to suggest that tliis ManPower Bill is going to bring them nearer victory. Let the AVar Minister tell the House about America; what help America can give; and when she can give it. Let him tell the House how England is being bled of men, materials, and money in order to maintain a position in the war which in the autumn may find us no nearer victory. (Cries of dissent and "Inquiry!"). Ido not mean that the Germans can break the line." Tho secret session followed.—Aus.-N.Z. Cable Assn.
PRIME MINISTER APPEALS TO THE TRADE ' UNIONS NO TURNING BACK-WE MUST FIGHT FOR OUR FREEDOM (Rec. January 20, 5.5 p.m.) London, January 13. Mr. Lloyd George (the Prime Minister), addressing the representatives of the trado unions affected by the Man-Power Bill, paid a tribute to the manner in which they had met the Government. A spirit of complete frankness characterised both sides, resulting in a clearing up of misunderstandings. The Premier reiterated the alternatives to the proposals. These wwo: The raising of the ago Hmit, as in Austria, where it is fifty-five, or sending back the wounded 'men to the front. It would be folly, to withdraw men from industry an hour sooner than wns necessary, but it would be treason to the country, to democracy, to tho cause of freedom, if when the need arose we did not make that demand. "I assume that you, in your hearts, believe that the war aims which were declared by the great Labour Conference represent the minimum which could possibly bo acceptable," he said. "But if we are unable to defeat the German forces, if we are unable to resist the military power of Prussia, is there a man here who be'ieves that one <f your terms, even the least of them, will be enforced? I am not talking of the demands of Imperialists, the demands of the extreme war men, who want to annex the earth and all the heavenly firmament. I am talking of the moderate demands of tho most pacifist soul in this assembly. . Go to von Hindenburg with them, try to cash that cheque at tho von Hindenburg Bank. It will be retiiried dishonoured. Whatever terms may bo submitted by sv.y pacifist in these lands, you will not got them cashed by von Ludendorff or the Kaiser, or any of these magnates, unless you got the power to enforce them." He (tho speaker) and President Wilson, without previous consultation, had laid down what substantially -were the same programmes of demands for the termination of the war. 'There has been no response from any man in any position in Germany indicating that the rulers in Germany desired to approach the problem in a spirit of equity. We demanded the restoration of Belgium. Would any of his hearers make peace without the complete restoration of Belgium and reparation for its wrongs? (Shouts of "No!"). Germany's only answer to that demand came from the soul of von Tirpitz, who replied: "Neverl" He (the speaker) had demanded reconsideration of the wrongs of Alsace-Lorraine. Germany had answored "Never!" The Allies' programme had been acclaimed throughout the Allied countries. Criticism bad hardly beon heard except from a few who wished that he had made more extreme demands. The Socialists in Franco. Britain, and Italy had mainly accepted the demands as v erv fair. He mpliasised the fact that he would not have war for one second on his soul if he could stop it honourably. Hβ urged those, especially thos o ivho thought we were responsible for the perpetuation of the horrors of war, to consider the reception of our demands, in Germany, where the only comment had been: "Behold, how England is weakening! Go on. and they will como down again." When ho suggested that Mesopotamia and Palestine should never be restored to tho tyranny of , tho Turk, Germany answered; "We will go en until they are restored." The Premier emphasised tho fact that not a single condition <wituined in the British trado union war aims had met with any authoritative response in Germany. It wns very significant that there had been w> civilian answor from Germany at all. Von Hindeuhurg and von Ludendorff had been hurriedly summoned to confer at (Berlin, but von Kuhlmann was not allowed to speak. That that Prussian military power was dominant. Germany's answer to civilisation would bo given from the cannon's mouth. Jt would lie a mistake to harbour any delusions. "We Must Co On or Co Under!" "Let us talk quite freely here amongst ourselves," said Mr. Lloyd George. "You mignt as well stop fighting unless you are going to do it with all your might. It is real murder to tho gallant fellows who havo stood there for throo years. There is no alternative. You have eithor got to put your wholo strength into it or just do what is done in tho Russian Army, and tell those brave fellows they can go homo whenever thoy like. If there are men who say they will not go into the trenches, then the men in the trenches have the right to say neither will wo remain hero. That would end tho war, but what sort of an' end would it be?. Tho Russian soldiers ceased fighting, fraternised Bimply, and talked great ideals and principles to the German Army. The Germans did not retreat, but took Riga and the islands. Frater-
nisation did not -prevent the Germans from marching forward. If .Pctrograd had been nearer they would have liad that too. Unless we are prepared to stand up to tho whole might of the people now dominating Germany, you will find the democracy of Europo at tho mercy of the cruellest military' autocracv the world has even seen. If yon sent von Hindenbnrg peace delegations he would just mock .your request that ho should ovneuate Belgium. Ho would say in his heart: 'You cannot turn me out of Belgium with trade union resolutions.' The answer you can give him is: 'We can and will turn you out of Belgium with trade union guns and 'trade unionists behind them. 1 If ni>,v man, standing in my place, can find an honourable and equitable way out of this conflict without fighting it- through, for Heaven's sake let him tell | me. My own conviction is that the people must either go on or go under." —Aus.-N.Z. Cable Assn.
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19180121.2.27.2
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 100, 21 January 1918, Page 5
Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,271THE CALL TO THE MANHOOD OF BRITAIN Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 100, 21 January 1918, Page 5
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Dominion. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.