FACTIONS IN RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 60, 4 December 1917, Page 5

FACTIONS IN RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

LIGHT ON MUCH-DISCUSSED PARTIES THE LENINITES AND THE BOLSHEVIKI 9 The Russian revolution is creating a vocabulary of its own, without some knowledge of which 110 man can read intelligently the story of the greatest struggle for human liberty the world lias witnessed since 1733 (writes Mr. W. J. Abbott in_"Munsey's Magazine").- Some of its terms are international, having reached Russia by way of international Socialism. Some are purely R/ussian, even Russian argot, or slang. Revolutionary Bodies. The Duma' Committee of Safety is a committoe of twelve members of the Fourth Duma, appointed by the Council of Elders of tho Duma—the latter's "steering committee"—on the afternoon of tlis first day of the revolution, March 12, 1917. It represented all the political parties of the Duma, and was created for the purpose of restoring order in Petrograd. During the short interval between tlie resignation of the Golitzin Ministry, the abdication of the Tsar, and the creation of the new Provisional Government, such governmental functions as were in existence in Russia were carricd on by this committee.

The Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies originated in the Council of "Workmen's Deputies of Petrograd. The latter body was formed on March 10, 1917, b.v the organised workmen of the Russian capital to direct and, develop the general strike then in its early stages. It consisted of elected representatives of the various organised workmen's groupj. It was the directing force of the revolution. When the latter had proved successful, on March 12. 1917, this original body met, together with a number of representatives of the Army and the leaders of all the radical parties, and decided to issue a call to the workmen and soldiers of the capital to elect representatives to a new and enlarged body, to bo known as the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. This new council was radical and revolutionary, with a touch even of anarchism. In this respect it differed from the Duma Committee of Safety, which, though containing representatives of the radical and revolutionary elements, had a majority* of liberal and conservative members. Organisations similar to this council were formed in several Russian cities besides Petrograd. A national convention . was hold a- ( national organisation perfected, which is purely a revolutionary body, The Soviet is the Russian word for council. It appears frequently in tho newspaper dispatches as a brief and convenient synonym for the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. The Provisional Government is the title given to -the Cabinet formed as a result of negotiations between the Committee of Safety of the Duma and the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd on the afternoon of March 15, 1917. To it were given temporary powers to run the affairs of the country until a permanent Government could be created. The_ career of this body has been stormy, its personnel changing, the tenure of office of its members uncertain. The Constituent Assembly is the body to be elected by all the citizens of Russia "as soon as possible," in order to dotei'mme the final form of Russia's Government, to draft her new constitution, and to solve a numbor of other important problems, chief among which are the question of nationalities, with the various demands for all kinds of autonomy, and the redistribution of land. The first step towards the election of this assembly was taken on .Tune 12, 1917, in the formation of a special council of sixty-one members, presided over by M. Kokashkine, a member of the Duma. _ The actual election is probably far distant.

The Extremist Factions. The Leninites are a small but very active radical faction of Socialists. 'They gained their name from their leader, Nikolai Lenine. Previous to the Revolution this man enjoyed a considerable reputation as a Socialistic propagandist. After tlu Revolution, however, he became the principal exponent of peaco at any price, and the chief supporter of an immediate and separate peace between Russia and tho Central Powers. He has been accused of being in the pay of Germany, and the Provisional Government ordered his arrest. He succeeded in escaping. Before his prosecution, however, by the Proviso ional Government, he suerceded in gaining enough support and influence to cause many severe local outbreaks against the authority of that Government. His theories and his vigorous propaganda, moreover, were chiefly responsible for the defections of Russian troops and for the resulting defeat of the Russian armies in Galicia, and more recently on the Riga and Dwina front. The Bolslieviki comprise the anarchistic elements of various revolutionary factions. As far as can be determined they do not constitute an organised party. Their adherents are drown from all parties and hold widely differing views on economic subjects. Their common ground, however, is their demand for action and their readiness to go to any extreme, even to that of assassination, in order to accomplish their ends. They are undoubtedly a disturbing element in the working out of Russia's political future, and a danger to the country. Thev mav he succmntlv described as the I.W/W. of Russia.

Tl lfl Maximalists are scarcely less radical or anarchistic in their attitude than the Bolslieviki. They have, however. a more. definite political programme, and apparontlv bnve become convinced of the nndesirabilitv of terroristic action at the present time. The excesses resulting from the action of the Leninites have produced a distinct, reaction among the Maximalists, who had previously been ndvoeates of "direct action." Tip to the moment of the Knrnilnff revolt t.hev were giving their support, although rather grudgingly, tn the Provisional Government.

Other Parties. ' Originally the designation by which tho French middle class was known at tho time of the French .Revolution, the Bourgeois l'arty, in Russia it has assumed an entirely new meaning since the overthrow of the Tsar. The terra is now . applied to everybody whose interest and political leanings are known to be opposed to, or to differ from, those of the masses. All such persons are accused of capitalistic sympathies and are under suspicion by the radical groups of revolutionaries. The effect of this is to class among the. bourgeois many of tho so-called intellectuals and the more moderate Liberals, to whom, as a matter of fact, the first success of the revolution was largely due. It was because of his alignment with this class that Professor Miliukoff lost standing with the advanced revolutionaries. As this prejudice grows, it becomes a serious menace to the final success of the revolution, because of its tendency to drive men of the intellectual type out of positions of influence and authority. The same tendency was manifested in the French Revolution and led to the orgies of the guillotine in the days of the Terror.

Frequently called Cadets, the Constitutional Democrats are the most influential Liberal Party in Russia. Though not revolutionary in the same sense as the Socialists aid atlier Radi-

cal parties, they supported the revolution, At first they were strongly for a constitutional monarchy under the Romanoff dynasty, but iater developments turned them into supporters of a prospective republic. They held a majority of seats in the first Duma, and, though losing this later, exerted a powerful influence in the second, third, and fourth Dumas. Their principal and best-known leader is Professor Paul Miliukolf, tho original Secretary of Foreign Affairs in the Provisional Government. In spite of Piofcssor Miliukoff's resignation and subsequent arrest upon suspicion of sedition, the Constitutional Democrats will undoubtedly have a very powerful and possibly a decisive voice in tho proceedings of the coming Constituent Assemblv.

"Social Democrats" or "Socialists" are the general terms applied to the various Socialistic parties of Russia. Tho Humorous factions differ widely in their political programmes. Some of them are very radical,* while others have hardly anything in common with the Marxian Socialists beyond their opnosition to the old autocratic regime. Some advocate policies more nearly in accord with the theories of philosophical anarchism than those of any established Socialistic cult.

The Revolutionary Socialists -"re sometimes called Social Populists. most moderate of Russian Socialist?. Their leader is A.-F. Kerenskv. first' Minister of .Tustire, then Minister, of War and Navy, and Prime Minister in the Provisional Government. speakinir, the Revolutionary Sociojists are neither revolutionary nor Socialist*. Only dnring the life of the autocratic rnrrimp were they sunnorters of revolutionary action, and even of terroristic assassination. Tmmediat°'v after the revolution they became unflinchini snnporters of parliamentary and ponular government. Their member=hin i« V'" up chieflv of peasants and farm labourers. Their political programme is primarily agrarian, and attempts to create a large class of small landed proprietors. Much of the dissension existing between the revolutionary groups in Russia to-day is due to the difficulty of harmonising the ambitions and interests of this peasant class with those of the workmen in the cities who form so powerful an element of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. A much more radical wing of the Socialists, consisting, as its name implies, of working men living in the citios, is the Labour Party. Their leader is M. Tscheidze, a follower of the Marxian school of Socialism. Their programmo comes much closer to that of the Socialists of other countries than does that of any other Russian Socialistic faction. For this -reason they have been more subject to the machinations of German spies working in the guise of advocates of international Socialism. Rates of wages, hours, bad conditions of labour, the ownership of tools and other means of production are tho economic issues with which tho members of the Labour Party chiefly conccrn tlinmselves. With the Revolutionary Socialists, but to a very much greater extent, they were tho moving force and fighting power of the revolution. United, the two can control its destinies, but at the moment dissension between them is too plainly apparent.

The Cossacks. The Cossacks are a mixed race of Russian, Tartar, Polish, and other bloods. In roturn for their military services they have long enjoyed special privileges, such as having distinctive schools and holding lands under a special tenure. All physically fit mala Cossacks aro trained in military exorcises from boyhood. Though at various times the Cossacks have arrayed themselves against the Tsar, notably in their revolt against Peter the Great, in more recont times thoy have been tho chief defenders of Tsarism, and have been notorious for their brutality and harshness to the people when called upon to put down popular demonstrations or revolutionary uprisings. At tho outbreak of the present revolution, however, they were the first of tho troops to make common causi-j with the peoplo, and up to the time of the Korniloff revolt tlioy had been sincere adherents of the Provisional Government. The German propaganda for a .separate peace never mado any inroads among tho Cofisacks. These hard-fighting soldiers have advocated unequivocally the prosecution of the war to a triumphant conclusion. The best-known of the Cossack corps are the Don and Kuban Cossacks. Tho Black Hundred.

A term applied to the most reactionary group of the supporters of Tsarism. The leading spirits in it were men of influence and position, who employed the most unscrupulous means to do away with leading Liberals and Radicals. Murder, torture, and other crimes have been frequently laid at their door. Tlioy were especially active after .the unsuccessful attompt at revolution in 1905, but they made their influence felt at all times. Their terrorism exceeded anything over undertaken by revolutionary groups. They havs been charged with being tho instigators of most of the pogroms. Just previous to the fall of tho Tsar they were again renewing their activity, but were crushed by the democratic forces then at work. Nevertheless, they are to-day an active and a dangerous powor in the conspiracies for the re-establishment of tho throne.

The Holy Synod. The Holy Governing Synod of All the Bussias. It is the highest ecclesiastical authority ill Bussia, being tho govorning body of the Orthodox Greek Church, which has moro adherents than any other denomination—in 1915 no less than eighty-nine millions. Originally it was ruled by a purely ecclesiastical presiding officer, but finally the Tsar seized this office for himself, thereby becoming the head of Russia's spiritual institutions, as well as of jier civil and military organisations. The actual duties of the presiding officer were, however, delegated by the Tsar to a tool designated by him and btarino- the title of Procurator-General of the Holy Synod. Some of the most revolting cases of oppression, persecution and brutality in the history of Bussia were due to the activities of this official. The Synod became piacticallv a Government Department. Aot only'did it control all religious appointments and property, but it was a groat factor in the political affairs ot the nation. .It had its spies, its agents provocateurs, even its assassins. Its power over public opinion was prodigious, because of its control of religious appointments. Nevertheless, many or the village priests in recent days, evading or defying orders from above, became liberal-minded politically, and frequently were prominent factors in spreading liberal political ideas.