A STIRRING APPEAL
" YOUR DUTY, AUSTRALIA ! " MANIFESTO BY FEDERAL PRIME MINISTER The Federal Prime Minister (Mr. W. Jl. Hughes) recently issued the following manifesto in connection with the Conscription Referendum:— Fellow citizens, — ' After more- than two years of the most dreadful war the world has known, A ustralia is called upon to lace the test of nationhood. We, boasting our freedom, are called upon to prove ourselves worthy to be free. Though Europe has been drenched with blood, innocent noncombatants foully murdered or subjected to unspeakable outrages, millions of helpless men, women 1 , and little children driven from their homes, their beloved country ravaged by fire and sword, not the faintest breath of such horrors has touched these favoured shores. Though many of our bravo soldiers have died on the battlefield, this nation in its own home has pursued its peaceful way as though war did .not exist, secure and prosperous. But we, too, must now face the dread realities of war. We have made many sacrifices, but we know nothing of the agonies which France, Belgium, Russia, and Serbia have endured. Now, when after two years, the title of battle, which so long went with the enemy, seems slowly but surely turning in our favour, a supremo duty is laid upon the Commonwealth, and a supreme privilege offered to ,its citizens. '.The issue is, yet un-. decided. • Our great enemy, Germany, is as yet undefeated, her mighty military power yet'unbroken. Victory can only bo achieved by a tremendous effort an the part of the Allies. And that effort must be made now. Now, while Austria is reeling under the blows of Russia and Rumania; now, while foot by foot Germany falls back before tho Allies' great offensive on tho Western lro'nt. Now, when to push on ensures victory, to relax our efforts means defeat. . Now is the hour Australia is called upon to gird up' her loins and make her great effort. Now i s the hour-in which, if, wo but obey the call to duty, the.enemy can be crushed, the war shortened, and triumphant victory and lasting peace ensured. . Face the Realities! Our duty and our interests alike point the way we must go. I appeal to evory iudiviclual citizen of Australia to sweep aside the mists- of indifference, error, and misunderstanding, and face tho great realities of the hour. This is a war to tlie death, a fight to the finish. The future of Australia and the hopes of Australian democracy hang upon victory. We are' called upon to do our share in the great offensive against our enemies. AVo are not called upon to do more than our share, but our share we must do. As the strain becomes greater,' so wo must endure more and endeavour more. The Empire and its Allies are making a. supreme effort
to crush the enemy. Britain is calling up more men. New Zealand is calling up more men. Canada,is calling u]) more men Upon us rests the same burden; wo. too, must make the same sacrifice. What we are expcctcd to do in this groat hour has been staled in precise terms. Wc are to keep our five divisions up to their full strength. This is a task neither beyond our power nor beyond our due obligation,. For September, of this year 32,50U men are required, and for each subsequent month 16,500 men, to maintain our five divisions in the field. This is the task before us, and for it wc ought not, must not, dare not shrink. Our only hope of national safely, of retaining our liberties, lies in decisive victory by Britain and her' Allies over the hosts• of' military despotism. While our lives and liberties are at slake how can we do more than enough? But we are not asked to do more than our share. Up to date we have sent over 220,000 men oversea, and have '14,000 in camp. The total number of the British forces, excluding Dominion' and Indian troops, is well over 5.000,000. ff Australia had done as well as Britain she would have an armv of over ;"00,000. instead of one under 300,000. But this is not all, for Britain has nearly *1,000,000 men helping to win the war by working at munitions and other work! Thai is to say that Britain has put nine millions of men into the fight! And she is rolling un more men! 111 the face of those facts, how can wo say we are asked to do more than our share? We Must Got tho Men. We must supply the men asked for. It is the price we are asked to pay
for our national existonce and our liberties. .We must got men;' bo' much is certain. The question then is, how shall wo get them? It is, unfortunately, only too apparent that the voluntary system of recruiting our armies does not ensure them. For many months, indeed, the numbers of volunteers have been steadily diminishing. In June, July, and August less than one-third of the numbet required have enrolled. If voluntaryism fails, is the nation to fail, where to fail .is to perish? No patriot can deny the necessity of reinforcements; no ' democrat can impugn the right of the nation to demand this duty from its citizens. Democracy and nationalism are one. The supreme duty which a democrat owes to,this country is to .fight'for it. Others may. fight for dynasties and despots, hut Australians fight for Australia; for democracy, against tyranny, liberty against oppression. Unless a nation fights for its liberties,' it can neither earn nor deserve them. Jn this great national crisis we must Tise above all selfisli and party interests. To the extent to -which voluntaryism Tails, compulsion must make good the deficiency. To those who see in compulsion a menace to democracy, labpur, and unionism, I address the glowing words of two of the greatest leaders of the people whom history has known—the late French Socialist leader, Jean Leon Jaures, and Abraham Lincoln. Jaures wrote, before the outbreak of the war:—"Socialists demand military service for everyone. . . . They wish to be in the army. . . . Democracy and nationality are one.. Tlio organisation of national defence, and the organisation of internatonal peace, are one aiid the same. .... The working classes, if they refused to defend the independence of the natibn, which means the freedom for their own self-dcvolopment, would never have ■ the strength to overcome capitalism." '
Abraham Lincoln, defending the Conscription Act passed by Congress to reinforce .by compulsion the Northern army during the American Civil War, when voluntaryism had failed, said "Men can be had only voluntarily or involuntarily. Wo have ceased to' obtain them voluntarily and to obtain them' involuntarily is the.-draft—the conscription: 'If .you dispute the fact, I and declare that men can still bo had voluntarily in sufficient numbers, prove the assertion • by yourselves volunteering in-such numbers, and I shall gladly give up the draft. . . The principle of the draft, -which simply is involuntary, or forced service, is not new. It has been practised in alleges of the world. ■ Wherein is the peculiar hardship now? Shall wo shrink from the* necessary means to maintain our freo Government? Are wo degenerate? Has the manhqod of our race run out?" Here, then, ih plain words the voices of the great dead speak td us, the living. Though separated by more than half a. century, the great American democrat, - Lincoln, and the great French Socialist,- Jaures, speak with one voice, and point the path of duty to every free man.' The' compulsory draft was the turning point in the great Civil War. It proved to the South and to tho world that the Northern States were determined to conquer. Lincoln's belief in bis fellow-countrymen was'justified. He
asked of tlicm a great sacrifice, and, realising that it was tho price of liberty, thoy mado it. They were not degenerate, but proving themselves by readiness to make sacrifice worthy of freedom, achieved victory. Js.it was in the Northern States in. Lincoln's time, so it is with lis to-day. Like them, we light in the cause of liberty. Voluntaryism has failed -us as it foiled them. And wo, like them—unless wc confess ourselves degenerate—must tread the path they trod, along which they strode resisflessiy to victory. Tha Issue of October 28. t The proposals of the Government do not destroy voluntaryism—rather do they stimulate it to nobler effort, if it prove itself worthy, then the need for compulsion ceases. But wo must get the men. Australia must play her part in ' this . great struggle. The proposals of the Government, ensure this." On October 28 you will be asked this , question : — "Are you in favour of the Government having, in this grave emergency, the same compulsory powers- over citi/.niis in. regard to requiring their military service for the term of the war outside the Commonwealth as it i:ow has in regard to military service within the Commonwealth?" The electors are asked to extend the present compulsory powers of the Government in regard to military service within the Commonwealth to military service abroad. Compulsory military service is no new principle with us. Ever since the Commonwealth has been established it has been tho law. The Government now has power to call up
alt adult males' between 18 and 60, and "compel them to tight anywhere within the Commonwealth. • This salutary law was passed 15 years ago in order to ensure tile defence of Australia. But the i'ate of Australia is now being decided on the battlefields 'of I'Yance, and it is there the Australian citizen must fight for his country, and thus preserve our own shores from the horrors which afflict Europe. In great emergencies the welfare of the Sip to is tlie supreme law. The State now calls'upon rlie individual to make a great sacrifice to lessen its heavy burden.. In turn the State must prove by its deeds that it is worthy of such sacrifice. To 'every citizen soldier the State owes a .sacred duty, which at all costs it must' discharge. The care of tiiein and their dependants now and in the future rests upon us, and wo must discharge it in no niggard spirit. And there must be, too, as far as is humanly possible, equality iof sacrifice. . AVealth lias its duties; it owes. all it. has to the State, and must be prepared, if necessary, to sac-, rificc that all for the State. Many, wealthy men have responded nobly to the call of duty; others have not. But no man can be allowed to. evade his responsibilities. And no man will be allowed to make profit out of this great calamity, which' affects the civilised world. ' ' . Finanoial War Poiloy.: The financial war proposals of the Government will shortly be set before you. But let mc ; say now that in this great crisis the policy of 1 the Government will rest upon one great principle—the welfare of the State. Whatever is necessary to bo done to defend Australia, to enable her to do her share in this great .war, that we shall do both as regards men and wealth. We 6hall not send men out of this country merely for the sake of sending them, but only the number absolutely necessary to keep our forces up to their fighting strength.' And in the same way we shall not tax wcatli merely for the sake of taxing it, nor take from, productive enterprise the capital necessary for carrying on the country during this war. But, short of this point, we shall not hesitate to call upon wealth to bear an equality of sacrifice with manhood. There ought not to be, there must not be, huge profits made out of war. - ,
Not"only to ourselves do we owe the duty of- supremo endeavour in the present crisis of the world's affairs. We owe it to our gallant armies who daily rush into the very jaws "of death, never doubting that- the' Australian people will stand behind them to the end. We owe it to our heroic-dead, who have already offered up their lives upon the_ altar of their country. We owe it to" Britain, to that mighty Navy under whose broad'wing we-have been, and are, securfcly sheltered, -'and to those great and glorious armies of Britain who daily fight our battles. We owe it to the Allies who have fought undis-' mayed in the same cause that protects our freedom. Duty and national honour alike beckon us on. What Australian will consent to partial withdrawal from this life and, death struggle?- Who amongst you will approve a base abandonment of our Allies, of our kinsmen,• and of our own fellow-citizens in the trenches? . Belgium, whose only crime was that she was a small and peaceful nation, did not turn her baclc on duty, and though trampled beneath the iron heel of the despot,. to-day stands as she did at Liege and Nannir, resolute to die rather than'surrender. France still stands firm and covered with glory.; and though the bones of her dead sons litter the soil of their dear country like shells on the ocean beach, yet she is, not dismayed, and will fight on to the - lakt" m'ali. ,' . Vote "Yes' 1 ! Fellow-citizens,: ''your .' kinsmen- and jyour Allies across the sea look to you to do your duty.,, Jour- comrades in the Australian: armies whose glorious valour has covered the name of Australia with undyufg':liistre,' call "to. you to come and stand by their side. AVero Australia to fail on October 28, Democracy and Labour would liave failed. But Australia must not fail. In the name of Australian Democracy, I adjure every man and woman ill the Commonwealth to vote "YES."t
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Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 2890, 30 September 1916, Page 11
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2,284A STIRRING APPEAL Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 2890, 30 September 1916, Page 11
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