The Dominion. SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1916. "THE PROBLEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH"

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2848, 12 August 1916, Page 8

The Dominion. SATURDAY, AUGUST 12, 1916. "THE PROBLEM OF THE COMMONWEALTH"

The _problem which 'confronts Great Britain and her self-governing Dominions as to their future relations_ is the "Problem of Commonwealth" _ discussed by Mr. Lionel Curtis in his book bearing the title quoted at the head of this article. It is a most valuable contribution to information available on this vitally important Imperial question, noij only on account of the- facts v/hich Mr. Curtis lias gathered together, but because he has also used those facts as_a foundation on which to base certain definite conclusions. These conclusions, _ whether the! reader may agree with'them or not, will sorve a useful puipose as affording a clear ground for argument and discussion the subject may be fully ventilated;' the public enlightened, and national opinion shaped. In The Problem of the Commonwealth, Mu. Curtis sets out to show how a British citizen in the Dominions can acquirb the same control of foreign policy as one domiciled in the British Isles.

The main contention, he states, is this, that Dominion electorates must, in the not distant future, assume control of foreign affairs, yet cannot do so without deciding irrevocably whether they are to keep or to renounce their status as citizens of the British Commonwealth. In plain words, the issue, as seen by the writer, is whether the Dominions are to become independent republics or whotlier this world-wide. .Commonwealth is destined to stand more closely united as the noblest of all political achievements.

•It .will. be. .seen that; Mr. Curtis, who is influenrad/. in ..his views though not controlled by the "Round Tabic groups" formed in various centres in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa for studying the Imperial problem, has no doubt at. all that the existing condition of things cannot continue' for any length of time: • He assumes that the self-governing Dominions must ere long claim a share in tho control of those matters which deeply concern their welfare, but in regard to which they at present exercise no control—that is-to say, the foreign policy of the Empire and the issues of peace and war.

Tho Dominions have seen themselves committed, to war by a Government responsible only to the people of the British Isles.. And this experience, is destined to bo completed, for they mil sc« themselves committed to peace by Ministers who are not responsible to themselves; Formerly' they might watch tho occupation of Cyprus or of Egypt, the refusal to admit the French claim to Fashoda, the Japanese Alliance, or the crndual development of, the Entente with France and Russia,,' as. spectators look upon things which.do not really concern them, not. realising how their fate was involved in each and all of these steps. They must realise it now, and still more must they realise the vital interest which each and all of them have in the terms upon which the : war will be brought to a close.

.In the earlier, chapters of his book Mr. Curtis notouly states the Problem as he sees it, but ho supports bis views with a mass of historical incidents-associated with the growth and development of tho Empire which serve to emphasise the necessity for finding a solution. Into these details we cannot on the present occasion; venture, but we would commend their study to all who concern themselves. — and everyone should do. so—with this vitally important subject. .

The.Solution itself, .the only satisfactory .solution..which the author deems possible, is the creation of an Imperial Parliament, not only in name,- but .in fact. It would be a Parliament to which each of the self-governing Dominions would seiid' its elected representatives, and which would have its own Cabinet Ministers, and possess the power to impose taxation throughout the Commonwealth to meet the financial responsibilities which it must incur in the performance of its functions. Such'a Parliament, however, would be ■ entirely independent and separate' from the existing Imperial Parliament. Tho present;' Imperial Parlaiment would, in fact, become a Parliament which would deal only with the domestic affairs of Great Britain, very much on the lines and with the powers of the existing Parliaments in the self-governing Dominions, whose Parliaments would also continue as heretofore. The new Imperial Parliament, which is to enable a British citizen in tho Dominions to have the same sharo in the control of the foreign policy of the Empire as one domiciled in the British Isles, would havo no part in the control of the domestic affairs of the different States constituting tho Commonwealth. It would control only the foreign policy of the Commonwealth, which means also the issues of pcace and war; and in consequence would require to' havo ■full charge of tho naval and military defences, and'power to tax for' their upkeep. It h also suggested by Mr. . CuiiTis that the control of tho Dependencies of tho Empire, such as India and Egypt, would i necessarily come within its jurisdic-

Hon. The difficulties in the way of a common agreement as to the representation in such a Parliament and the powers to be conferred on it are in no way minimised by the author. The vital question of taxation, for instance, is a problem in itself. If the self-governing Dominions are to share with Britain the control of foreign policy, with its attendant responsibility of maintaining, the naval and military forces necessary to support that policy and ensure, the safety of tho Commonwealth, then they must bear their fair share of the .cost. . How is that share to lie ascertained ? Mb. Curtis suggests that it should not be determined merely on a population ■ basis over the whole of Great Britain and the self-governing Dominions, but should be governed by the average income of the population in each, country. New Zealand, for instance, probably would be found to be in a position' to pay' more per head of population than South Africa; and* England more than New Zealand.' That is, of course, a detail, but it is a detail which might wreck tho whole scheme, and it serves to show the difficulties with which the whole question is surrounded.' It is impossible on tho present occasion to follow Mr.'Curtis further through th& pages of The Problem of_ the Commonwealth. As a preliminary step to his proposal it would, of course, be necessary to hold a convention at which Great Britain and the whole of the self-governing Dominions would be represented by the leaders of the different political parties in each country. There, some common agreement might be come to and a constitution drawn up setting forth the powers of the new Imperial Parliament. Should ■ this stage be reaohed, then the question would bo placed before tho people of Great Britain and the self-gov-erniug colonies for final settlement by way. of a referendum. Mr. Curtis mentions on several occasions that the self-governing Dominions could,' of course, if they should desire it, control their own foreign policy by the simple process of severing their connection with the British Empire. This phase of the subject we do not think worth discussing. in New Zealand, iior for the- matter of that, after what we. have'all gone through together, do we think it likely, to receive serious thought in any other part of. the Empire. - The Problem of the Commonwealth is now dn circulation in New Zealand, and while many may not agree with the conclusions reached by the author, alt can profit from his researches. Wo would commend it to the .attention of .our readers.