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THE PERSIAN PROBLEM

PLACES, PERSONS, AND PARTIES (By J. M. Hone, in the London "Daily News.") When the, present writer was in •Teheran some seven years ago he met no pro-Germans. Everyone was either an Anglophilo or a pro-Russian. Roughly speaking the Constitutional party placed its hopes on England, and the Shah and the Court party looked to Russia—this in spite of the fact that the AngloRussian agreement in regard to Persia had already been in existence for eighteen months. In the summer of 1909 the Shah Mohamed Ali was driven from the country, and the Parliament restored. Liakhof, tho Russian colonel, who had been dictator in Teheran during the civil war, disappeared. Monsieur Hartwig, another Russian champion of the Royalist cause, went to Belgrade, where he died under mysterious circumstances shortly before tho outbreak of tho European' War. Both of the great Legations at 'l'eherau, the Russian and tho British, avowed their hlinevolence towards the new regime, and the terms pro-Russian and proEnglish gradually ceased to distinguish the warring parties in Iran. Many of the old Royalists refused to accompany tho Sovereign into exile, and remained at home. Among these l were two grandees, the Ain-ed-Darleh and Prince Finnan Firma, whose names are mentioned in the recent dispatches from Teheran. When the present Shah re'constituted his Cabinet a few weeks ago, ho gave places in it to the Ain-ed-Darleh and the Prince as an assurance to the Entente Powers that the Government was hostile to pro-German intrigue. Both these men liave been loaders of the Moderate party in Persian politics, which takes foreign influence for an accomplished fact, and regards Nationalist aspirations as visionary. They are bitterly opposed by. the "democrats - ," whoso views, sinco the re-establishment of tho Constitution in 1909,. have been continually in conflict with what is called tho ."spirit of the Anglo-Russian agreement." The quarrel came to a bead during Mr. Morgan Sinister's tenure' of' the office of Persian Treasurer-General. German "Interests." The Democratic or Nationalist Party resisted tho German influence for many years, but it has always 'been Turcol&ile. During the civil war thoEe in Teheran who wora suspected' of revolutionary sympathies went in danger of their lives; the'gates of one Legation, the Turkish, were always open to tho political refugee. Persian idealists had a perhaps pathetic faith in the genius of the Young Turks, but until recently t'lieir contact with tho German allies of Young Turkey bad heea slight and of a discouraging character, 'l'lie famous ''Potsdam agreement" was a blow In the face, for by it the Kaiser recognised! those rights of Russia in Persia to ' which Nationalists took exception. German interests in Teheran are limited, being confined to a school and a hospital, and one used to meet very few Germans in the streets of the capital. To be sure, the great Oriental scholar, Dr. Sohindler, more Persian, than the Persians themselves, lived round the corner, but he was a recluse and would Hot disouss Withal, the German Legation, interfered on occasion as arrogantly as any other in the domestic affairs of Persia. During the Shuster regimo a Persian police force was organised. It did good work for a while under its Swedish officers in maintaining order on the southern roads and collecting taxes. But its -pofitics'were always, anti-Russian, and now, like the demooratic party, the gendarmerie has accepted German influences. The Shah's Advisers. The little Shah is about sixteen years of age. Persians ripen early, and already Ahmad-Mirza -has had a considerable experience in politics. He is devoted to his banished father, but has not on that account fallen under' the suspicion of the Nationalists. He was none too anxious to acquire kingly responsibilities ; yet he inherits, it seems, tlio resource whidh the Ka-jar family has always shown in _ difficult situations- At the moment his principal advisers seem to be .the statesmen mentioned above. Prince Firman Firma and the Ain-ed-Darleh. These are old men who have known many vicissitudes. Again, and again- their names recur in tlio history of Persia during the last twenty years. The Russians stato that Firman Firma is tho only man in tho Shah's Government whom they can really trust. That is hard on the'Ain-ed-Darleh, who has also protested, his loyalty to the Entente Powers. But certainly the record of this latter statesmall is not one that inspires confidence, and he belongs to an aristocracy which is notoriously corrupt. The] Ain-ed-Darleli commanded the Royalist forces during the civil war. , It appears that the Shah has not altogether dispensed with the services of politicians in tho democratic Within the last two mouths Hussein Kuli Khan, a leader o ftliat party, went to Berlin (according to report) as Persian Minister. We do not know what his opinions may be; but it is certain that the Nawwab is not purchasable by German or any othor gold. Hussein Kuli Khan was educated in Log" land, and was for many/years attached to the Persian Legation in London. During the civil war he lived quietly in Teheran; being a man with a host of European friends, and closely connected with the British Legation, tlio Shah's party did not dare molest .him. Refugees were concealed in his house; I remember visiting him one afternoon, and being startled by a scared face that suddenly appeared from beneath a sofa. After the downfall _of the Shah the Nawwab _ was appointed a member of the Cabinet. He was Foreign Minister during the crTsis of 1910, when, discovering treasonable correspondence between the ex-Shah and the Turcomans, he proposed to stop payment of the exiled Monarch's salary. Tho British and Russian Legations intervened, and tho Nawwab being unable to carry his point, resigned office. His quarrel with his old friends at.;the British Legation was marked by bitter incidents. Mr. Sinister-describes Hussein Kuli Khan as- the "most patriotic, of the real Persian leaders." Russian soldiers are now in Teheran. Their presence in the Persian capital, ofton threatened during recent years, is at last an accomplished fact, The two northern towns of Tabriz'and ICasvin are also occupied by Russian troops. Kasvin is about fifty miles from the capital, on the Reslit road, an important town of some sixty thousand inhabitants. Russian troops have been ihet-o before. Tabriz has beeii more or less 111 Russian hands over since Russian troops raised tlic great siege of 1908-1909. The Turks entered tho city early in the present war, but were quickly driven, away by Russian reinforcement's.'On the other hand, in Kum, Hainadan, and'lspahan, which also belong to the Russian sphere of influence, the German party appears to be enjoying a temporary triumph. Kum is quite close to' the capital, and, doubtless, Russian troops will advance against this city. The British sphero of influence, which extends from Bun-dar-i-Abbas on the_ Persian Gulf to a point on the frontior of Afghanistan, appoars to be comparatively quiet. The "neutral sphere," which lies 'between the Russian and the British, has long been a centre of disorder. It is not many years sinre a detachment of In-; diaii sowars had to occupy Shiraz for tho protection of the Consulates against lawless tribes. In no other part of the world can German agents hate had an aasier task, '

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19160304.2.4

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2711, 4 March 1916, Page 2

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,198

THE PERSIAN PROBLEM Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2711, 4 March 1916, Page 2

THE PERSIAN PROBLEM Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2711, 4 March 1916, Page 2

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