THE COST OF LIVING AND OTHER PROBLEMS.

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2612, 6 November 1915, Page 12

THE COST OF LIVING AND OTHER PROBLEMS.

Sir, —It is hard, to see,, and harder to explain, Jiow tho cost of the simple necessaries of life, in the shape of food, clothing, and housing can be brought within the range of the purchasing power of those whose labour is of the least market value in tlio community. It has been said that "every person is born into the community through no choice of his own, and for this reason the community owes liira a decent living, and he in return owes the community his best effort." Such a statement is easily made, but not so easily proved, or brought into effect, and if we admit that adversity has its uses the question becomes still more complicated. Money, the term in which price is always stated, and the measure in which labour is, in the material sense, rewarded, is the main factor to be dealt with in this intricate problem, and those who lightly regard the bearing of the law of supply and demand on the various factors that determine price, and charge human avarice with all iniquity, get far astray in their calculations. ' With a given supply of, and a given demand for a given amount of, commodities, the price at which they will sell in a condition of free, exohauge is determined by the amount of money that exists for their purchase. If in the event of a natural rise in the price of any necessary of life though its under-supply, money cnuld be increased proportionately in the hands of those requiring the commodity, the price would then have risen nominally, but not actually; or if, during the term of a natural riso of price through under-saipply, the demand decreased through lack of the consumers' purchasing power, the price would soon accommodate itself to their ability to purchase. Tho law of supply and demand may be manipulated for advantage 011 either side of a contract, but it cannot be put out of existence. Inordinate desire on the .part of buyers has more power to raise prices than rapacity 011 the part of sellers. Supply is'created by, and flows to meet, demand. However, as in all other difficulties of life, tne Government i 6 now called upon to supply tho supremo unction for this Economic malady; but what can it do? Suppose it did, through a Royal Commission, or Board of Trade, collect a mass of informs* tion, more or less reliable, and on tlio strength of it, convict, and find or imprison, some person or persons for illegal trading; what then? Are any further forward with tho question? 1 don't think so; then what are we To do ?

Admitting that a section of the wageearners find it hard to make their wages purchase the modest living they toe) they are entitled to, it is only natural that they should appeal to the Government as the supreme controlling agency, but they should remember that a Government is 110 more powerful than its wisest and strongest unit, and as that unit naturally drifts or rises' to the position of Prime Minister —the supreme dispenser of 'benefits—their salvation, outsicte of themselves, would seem to lie in him. The people should be fed, clothed, and'housed, and if any lack in this respect it certainly reflects, first of all, on the administrative ability of anyone who aspires to the most responsible position in the community. But, in tlieso days of money power, and under-ourrents of political influence, men are timid of doing what they see is necessary,_ or are unable to see the necessary thing to do. In either case, a man may prove that he is not equal to the times, for to know what to Uu in an emergency and to do it effectively requires qualities that are not often found in one person, and to attempt and fail does not inspire confidence.

Has it ever occurred to those who prato about private individuals raising prices that a Government's policy in respect to tariffs and taxation in general has a potent influence on the price we have to pay for goods? The duty on some classes of goods is equal to, and in a few cases far above, tho cost of their production ; showing that while a Government may assume the role of benefactor on the one hand, its own improvidence in same other direction may oppress the people.-in an 1111 warrantable degree. It has been said that

"bad; laws are the worst form of tyranny," and bad tariff adjustments and excessive taxation extortions can well be included 1 in the category. Governments seem to have an -unbounded faith in tho people's credulity and want of perception, and in their willingness and ability to bear taxation, and we cannot expect much financial relief from men whose only business skill seems to lie in their being able to borrow money on the country's credit and burd'eu us with taxation, and posterity with a legacy of debt. But, leaving tho uncertain realm of politics, is there any action of a nonpolitical character that could be taken that would begin to modify the existing inequalities of"material conditions? I think there is; but if anyone thinks that jtiftico to one section of the community can be reached by inflicting injustice on some other section, that person will, as a matter of course, take 110 part in the amelioration of society. Glasses there liavo been and will be; the interests of manual labour are by no means the only interests that have a right to exist; in fact, it is every individual's privilege, even his duty, if bo so regards it, to serve in tho liighest and most remunerative capacity possible. Those who are waiting for the time when tho means of production, distribution, and exchango will belong to 110 one in particular, will, I am afraid, have a long wait; common interests, even in material'things, would mako a very common herd of people, and we cannot overlook the mental, emotional, and spiritual affinities in our natures. Does it not seem remarkable that al-' thoagh the masses are in tho majority majorities count for so much in k wese is alrajja ft pliuss ta&f

uig the lead in all tilings? The truth is that the majority are and mute or stammering for want of ideas, and ideas to be effective must bo executed and Materialised', and herein is the opportunity for labour unions, through their secretaries, who, with a few exceptions, smoke cigarettes, stir up had blood, and draw their salaries — to seek fresh fields of enterprise for Labour's advancement. If instead of abusing commercial interests and making themselves obnoxious, they sat down and considered the question of preparing a deputation to approach those interests, with a view to better Tinderstandings and relationships, much good might result. Manufacturing interests could with benefit be treated in the same friendly manner. Such missions might not suoceed at the outset, but perseverance and graciousness would win in the end. True, such proceedings would have no legal, no arbitrary, 110 arrogant force behind them, but they would have the greater force of the common-sense of men wishing to do intelligent business with one another for mutual benefit. There might even be a degree of patriotism in it equal to that which called the National Cabinet into being, in the midst of conflicting political interests. By being frank and fair with one another, much good, and no harm, would result. This would be a Board of Trade and Royal Commission transacting its, own business, and union secretaries justifying their existence, and the alert politician would soon turn his eyes in that direction and help. "What a. hops wo would have," I hear union secretaries say. Then I say there is nothing magnanimous in your concern for the toiler; the height of your ambition is a nice soft billet, a salary, and the occasional glitter of the limelight, and the inwrest you take in the worker is your stock-in-trade. —I am, etc., WM. BARE.