PROGRESS OF THE WAR

Dominion, Volume 8, Issue 2323, 3 December 1914, Page 4

PROGRESS OF THE WAR

The arresting feature of to-day's news from the' European theatres of the war is the sharp conflict of evidence regarding the operations in Flanders A~ heavily censored message via Rotterdam states that the battle, along the Yser has been renewed with terrific violence, with heavy bombardment on both land and sea. A message from Amsterdam, reporting important concentration of the enemy's troops, adds weight to the Rotterdam message, but against these statements is tbo opinion of the Times, which must bo accepted with authority, oh the presumption that it is based on roliable data, that it disbelieves the probability of a fresh attack on Ypres or.elsewhere. "The battle in Flanders," says thie journal, '.'has ended, because the opposing armies have dug themselves in." In the face of all this, we must for the present suspend judgment on the nature of the operations in Flanders until tho receipt of more unanimous testimony. Elsewhere along the Franco-Belgian front tho situation' fs. practically unchanged. From.the Eastern theatre of war comes further confirmation of Russian successes.

Some very severe enoounters are still taking place between the Russians and Germans in Poland. The Germans have suffered heavy losses, but they are fighting with great stubbornness. A German force has been cut off in the neighbourhood of Lodz, but' it has been, reinforced and .is strongly entrenched. It is quite evident that the Germans got themselves into an extremely difficult and dangerous position, but they are undoubtedly making a determined effort to fight their way out of it if possible. The Russians aro not meeting with such. vigorous resistance from the- Austrians, and the advance into Galicia is being successfully maintained. An important line on the crest of the Carpathians has fallen into the hands of the Tsar's forces, and it is reported that 50,000 Austrian troops, with 600 officers, have been captured. A German official report claims success in three days' fighting at Lodz, but admits that severe, but "not colossal," losses were sustained. In view of the systematic attempts of the German authorities to belittle their reverses and magnify their successes,, the ' words "not colossal" are very "significant. Taken as a whole, tho operations iiv the Eastern theatre of the war may be regarded as decidedly satisfactory from the point of view of tho Allies. * ic * * The Austrians have made another violent attack/ on Scrvia. The result is summed up in two words: '"Repulsed everywhere." Eai.\ly in the wnv they made a dcSperatc effort to smash Scrvia with a ewift and ovorwueltnißK blow, and Ihon con-.

centrate their whole strength in the' campaign against tho Russians. But the attempt proved an utter failure. A great Austrian Army was decisively defeated by the Servians, and the hope of crushing Servia had to be temporarily abandoned. Austria's efforts to beat off the Ruesians have resulted even more disastrously. She has suffered defeat after defeat, and the morale of her army has been severely • shaken. In the midst of these misfortunes she has found it necessary to make another attempt to conquer her southern toe, but Servia's gallant little army has again proved more than, a match for its enemies. The increasing pressure of Russia will probably make it impossible for Austria- to continue the'present attack on Servia for any length of time; as every available soldier will be required for the struggle against the Muscovite hosts. Tho position of Austria-Hungary is growing more desperate every day. * * * * ' The French Yellow Book, some extracts from which were published in our cable columns yesterday, is an extremoly interesting document. It provides-additional proof of the fact that the present wa-r was. deliberately provoked by Germany. It was forced, upon France who had either to' fight or cease to exist as an independent Power. The PanGermanists have been clamouring for war for years,, an'd the Crown Prince has .shown his sympathy with their policy and aspirations on more than one occasion. The Kaiser seems, to have held back at first, and is said to have taken a pride in being called "William the Peacemaker." The War Party, however, had nothing but contempt for this title, and they did not hesitate to show it. They filled the country with their ideas and ideals, and their plans of world domination captured, the public imagination, ihe Crown Prince threw himself into the movement whole-heartedly, and tho Kaiser, feeling that his popularity was waning, eventually resolved to-giye it his patronage and support. A Conversation which took place towards the end of 1913 between the > Kaise.l. the King of the Belgians; and Field-Marshal von Moltke revealed the fact that Ins conversion to Pan-Germanism was complete. Ho then regarded war with Franco as inevitable. ' ' "»* * . * War was, of cou :se, only inevitable because the Germans had made it so. They were determined to draw the sword'as soon as tho opportunity occurred, and in the meantime they made the most elaborate preparations' for the conflict. The assassination of tho heir to the Austrian Throno was eagerly seized on by the; Prussian Junker as a plausible excuse for setting Europo ablaze, and -Austria was absolutely forced to attack Servia. As far back as November, 1913, M. Cambon, who was then French Ambassador at Berlin, stated that the ideas of the military caste had been adopted by the Kaiser, andtho Conversation with King Albert showed that a very preoarious situation had arista. The trend of events was no doubt discussed during the visit of King George to Paris during the presenc year, and some understanding was then _ probably arrived at between Britain, France, and Russia as to joint action in case of an attack on France by Germany. It is quite certain that France did not want war, but for a good many years flast her statesmen have .realised that she'must take precautions to resist attack by the.. "criminal nation" which coveted her territory. "Wo shall exact from France, - "' writes one of the German War Party, "the cession of so much territory that we can bo for the future in security. "This territory will be evacuated by all its French inhabitants." This is not the wild suggestion of an isolated and irresponsible individual, but the deliberate.aim of the dominant party.in Germany. -

The feeling of insecurity engendered by the growing influence of the Pan-Germanists compelled Prance to protect herself by means of alliances or understandings with other Powers. The treaty of 1911 (referred to in the Yellow Book) showed that Franco was not so helpless as Germany expected; Trouble had arisen'regarding Morocco in 1005 and again in 1911. In the former year the Kaiser said he would not recognise any arrangement which prevented nim from treating directly with the Sxjltan of Morocco. In , 1911 a German warship, threatened to seize the port of Agadir, the reason given being' that German interests were endangered by disorders in Morocco. A German Minister is reported to have said that if Agadir was occupied by. the Germans it would never be given up. Both-in 1905 and 1911 Germany thought Britain would desert France; but the British Government stood firm, and Germany had to submit on each occasion to a severe diplomatic rebuff. The success of French diplomacy was bitterly resented by. the Pan-German-ists, who complained that Germany was being strangled by a network of agreements/ but it ha 3 been pointed out with much force that this '-'complaint will only become justifiable when the right to steal ia recognised by European public law." » *. » * "Small States liko Holland and Belgium must be constrained to follow Germany or be broken." This opinion expressed • by an officer, of the German General Staff is quoted in the French Yellow Book. It is only a fair sample of the ideas with which the minds of the Kaiser and his subjects have become saturated In a book entitled The German Idea of the Wjorld we are told that the .world has no longer need of little nationalities. They must fall into line with the world-power of Germany, as "they need a broad basis for their civilisation to develop on." Three years ago Here Frymann declared that 'we cannot tolerate, on our north-west frontier those little States which .give no guarantee against their violation by England and France: so when we decide on war we shall summon them to join us or bo treated as enemies." A few years ago British people found it difficult to take this sort-,of talk seriously, but now we are witnessing a gigantic, attempt to put Pan-Ger-man theories into practice in grim earnest. The eyes of the world have been opened. * * * » There was considerable difference of opinion among naval experts at the beginning of the war regarding ;tho importance of the part which the submarine was destined to play in tho struggle. Sir Percy' Scott's prediction that tho submarine would prove omnipotent was probably too sweeping, but experience has shown that it has become one of the most deadly perils of naval warfare. The naval correspondent of the Times now tells us that these under-watcr craft cannot be kept out of the Channel, and that they, will presently be found still further to the westward. The writer does not make any suggestions as to how this form of attack is to be met. He simply states that increased vigilance is rcquired. It is stated that thn most rcoonfc types of submarine oan cross

the Atlantic. They are able to-carry sufficient oil for a voyage of that distance.- When submerged they can travel for about 24 hours, ancl tKere would not be much difficulty in a German submarine remaining for some days in the North Sea, without returning to her base. This phase of the war is no doubt receiving very special attention from the British naval authorities, and probably Sir Percy Scott was recalled to the Admiralty because he has made a special study of submarine warfare. * # o # • The non-committal attitude of President Wilson regarding- German ■ violations of international law docs not meet with the approval of an ; influential section of public opinion in the United States. Me. Hoosevelt has stated his views very forcibly on the matter, and a cahlo message which we publish to-day indicates that a member of the American House of Representatives. (Me. Gardiner) has expressed emphatic disapproval of Germany's brutal treatment of Belgium. Ho also proposed that an investigation should be made regarding the military strength of the United States. The ; war lias directed the attention, of Americans to quite a number of international problems, and Mr. Gaediner no doubt sees that it is no use for his country to talk about the HoNitOE Doctrine unless it has the power to enforce it. He apparently thinks the military strength of the United States should be increased.. But the President is a man of peace —one might .almost say peace at any price; and he is also handicapped just now by an extraordinary fear of giving offence to the Kaiser, He is opposed to Me. Gardiner's suggestion,, because "if the United States now starts to strengthen her forces Germany may take it as directed against her," and if she is to play the part of peacemaker after the war, any such action •would be injudicious. . President Wilson no doubt 'means well, but ho has given a surprising exhibition of weakness and indecision in matters relating to the war. His fear of- hurting the Kaiser's feelings is being carried to: unreasonable lengths, and is liable to detract from the influence, and dignity of his country as one of the world's great Powers. '