PROGRESS OF THE WAR

Dominion, Volume 8, Issue 2322, 2 December 1914, Page 4

PROGRESS OF THE WAR

There are signs that the German offensive in France has' run its course and that the Allies may become, more aggressive! Much no doubt will depend on the operations in Poland and Galicia for if tho Russian advance can be maintained more' troops will have to be transferred by the Kaiser to the Eastern theatre of the war. Apparently the three German armycorps out off by the Russians in East Poland have broken through the encircling Russian lines, and Russia's big ooup did not come off. Still, the Gormans had to pay a terrible price, and the Tsar's forces may well rest content with the result. In all directions_ the campaign is progressing satisfactorily, tho movements that are afoot being merely a development of tho operations reported during the past day or two. v

The loss of the warship Bulwark has been made the subject of an interesting discussion in.the House of Commons. Summaries of the speeches delivered by Lord Charles Beresford and Mr. Winston _ Churchill (First Lord of tho Admiralty) will be found in our cable columns. Judging from the remarks made by these" speakers, there is some difference of opinion among critics—professional and amateur—on the question of naval tactics, and these differences have been mentioned in Parliament. Lord Beresford has never hesitated to express his views quite freely-on matters concerning the Navy,;and it is reassuring to find that he gives no encouragement to the doubts which he says the public seem to harbour as to the Navy's capabilities of carrying out ila duty. He considers that the Navy is in better condition, both as regards ships.and the training of the men, than ever before. Some ships have met with disaster and valuable lives have been lost,-but occurrences of this character were (inevitable. In a great war like the present our' warsnips must run risks every day and serious loss of life cannot be avoided-. Our ships have to remain out in the open while those of the enemy are sheltering in 'elaborately fortified ports, and the Germans are constantly endeavouring by means of mines and submarines to reduce the size of our fleet so that their. Navy may eventually venture,upon a trial of strength with some hope of success.

Lord Beresford is of opinion that the Kaiser's fleet will come out from its hiding place some foggy night. When the tremendous clash_ comes between the two largest navies in the world no one can. say what • will 'bo the result, but it is only reasonable to expect that our superior na,valstrength will prove victorious. Some unforeseen happenings may assist our enemies, but whatever may occur the whole Empire feels confident that,' as Lord Beresford says, "luck or no luck, wo will win in tho end."

The wearing-down' tactics of Germany have so far done nothing to lessen the naval superiority of Great Britain. As a matter of_ fact, our naval strength is increasing at a greater rate than theirs, This wa3.

pointed out recently by Mr, Winston Churchill, who stated that the maximum naval reinforcements which Germany could receive to tho end of 1915 totalled three ships, against the British increase of 15. Britain could afford to lose a super-Dreadnought, every month for a year without,the enemy losing a ship, and yet be" iii as superior a position as ai the out-, break, of the_ war. This is an impressive indication of what Britain can do when she is required to put forth all her efforts. Most people now feel that the Government ought not. to have been content with the margin of British naval superiority which existed'before the war, and one does not like to think of the position in which wo might now be if the Little Navy advocates had been allowed to have their way.

In referring to the expedition to Antwerp, the action in the .Pacific, and the loss of the cruisers on the: Dutch coast, Mr. Churchill remarked that, as it was impossible at pre-, sent to disclose tho orders, the public wore not able to pass judgment regarding these occurrences. The expedition to Antwerp bas been the subject .of some plain speaking in the London Press. The Morning Post declared that "the attempt te relieve Antwerp by a small force of marines and naval volunteers was a costly blunder, for which Mr. Winston.Churchill must be held responsible on the present evidence." The tone of the cable messages dealing with this incident gave the impression that someone had blundered, and the English papers which arrived by yesterday's mail throw some interesting light on-the matter. .The Post states .that, when it became obr vious that the German attack on Antwerp -could not be adequately met the Belgian Army should have retired to a safer position. The only alternative was for the Allies to throw, into the fortress a strong relieving force capable of holding the trenches against all attacks, and adequately supported by great guns. This would have been a bad alternative, because the proper place for reinforcements was in the field where the.Allied Armies were fighting the German main army. But a more futile scheme than. even this bad alternative was devised. At the last moment a mixed force of marines and naval volunteers, with- a few heavy guns, were thrown into the city. .The position had then already been'lost, and our men were quite unable to reply to the German artillery. ,•; If the defence had not been prolonged the Belgian Army could nave been got away in safety some days before, whereas the departure was delayed until escape became_ extremely, difficult, and the operations nearly . ended in disaster. . Mr. Churchill's remarks, _■ reported in our cable columns, asking for suspension of judgment regarding the expedition to Antwerp, no doubt refer to criticism on the above lines.

The Morning Post emphatically protests against Ministerial interference in military or naval operations. It. contends that the work of civil administration is quite sufficient to occupy the whole energies of a Minister, without' any excursion . into other regions, and it puts the following questions to the Government:— 1 On whose authority was this adventure arranged and conducted? Was ilt military or was it naval?' If it was military, were the Diane approved by General French and 'Lord Kitchener? If it was naval, was it a scheme arranged and, approved by the .whole' Board of Admiralty? Is it not true that the energies of Jlr. Winston Churchill have been directed upon this eccentric expedition, and that he has beon usinc the resources of ( the. Admiralty as if he were personally responsible for the naval operations? The answers to these questions would be extremely interesting, but up to the' present they do not appear to have been provided. However, if Me. Churchill cannot at present disclose the whole of the facts relating to the incident, he is quite justified in asking the public not to give judgment until it is in- possession of all the evidence. . . '

It now appears that General von •Moltke has been made the scapegoat in 'connection with the Crown -Prince's unsuccessful opeiations m Franc© during the early stages of the retreat from Paris. The Kaiser is said tb' have caused him to bo imprisoned in a palace. The Grown Prince's ,army was certainly in a, difficult and dangerous position for spmp time. It had. a very narrow escape. Someone had to be held responsible for what occurred, and as it- would never do to admit that the Grown Prince could have blundered so badly, it was necessary to fix the blame on somebody else. _ The result is that Von Moltke is ;in disgrace. Special care was taken to make theCrown Prince the. "star performer in the expected march into Paris, but when the march was turned the other way the responsibility for the "performance" appears to have been thrown on tho unfortunate Ohiof of the Staff; .

A dangerous situation is developing in Turkey-in-Asia. The Christian population is in perilous position. The dispatch of an Italian warship to Syria for the protection, of Italians may possibly lead .to complications in view of the general impression that Italy is in sympathy with the Entente Powers, and likely at'any moment to give them active support. The festival of Moharram, the first month of the Mohammedan year, has passed off quietly in India and Persia. The Holy War proclamation appears to have been completely ignored, and there are no indications of sympathy with Turkey among the Moslem sub-' jects of either Britain or Russia. The appeal from Berlin, through has so far proved a signal failure. * * * *

German intrigue, has also utterly failed in Abyssinia and Afghanistan.. The Kaiser has been hoping that the Ameer would give trouble to Britain and Russia, and he has done his utmost to persuade tho Afghan ruler that it would be to his advantage to. strike an open or secret blow against Germany s enemies. But the Ameer can see'th'at the existence of Afghanistan as _an independent State would be imperilled by a policy of hostility to Britain and Russia, and that it would be useless to expect any.help from Germany should he become embroiled in the war. In a most friendly letter to the Viceroy of India, he expresses his determination ,_to 'remain neutral, and has no hesitation in condemning the folly of Turkey's action in throwing in her lot with Germany. The Kaiser's agents have been equally unsuccessful in their treacherous mission to Abyss'inia. They wanted the Negus to harass Britain by making an attack on tho Sudan, but .lie has shown his contempt for German threats and promises' by offering a contingent to Great Britain. \Vbat_ reliance can .be placed on' the promises or under-

takings of a nation which regards solemn agreements as worthless "scraps of paper" the moment they stand in the way of the realisation of its ambitions? .

Germany's action ;in compelling tho Belgians to pay war levies is a gross breach of international law. A cablegram which appears in another column states that Belgium's war levy has now been fixed at £15,000,000. This is in reality a form of pillage, and such a method of raising money is a disgrace to a civilised nation. In stating tho law on this matter the Manchester Guardian remarks that in the Prussian wars of 1886 and 1870 levies were often exacted, and tho sum of money demanded had no relation to. the ' daily needs .of the invading forces. Since 1871 armies have followed the plan of paying for supplies, and of levying money merely to meet the - , actual needs\ of the troops. This custom has be<\n turned into' a binding rule of tU- Law of Nations by tho Hague Regulations of 1899 and 1907. By Article 48, H.R. 1907, the usual State taxes may be taken, with a resulting obligation to pay the expenses of administration in the occupied territory; By Article 49, it is laid down that if the invaders raise additional contributions in money "it may only be for the needs of the army or the administration of that territory." A receipt must be given (Articte 51). The notion is that towns and- individuals laid under levy_ will be indemnified, in happier times, by the Government of '-their own State. Article 3, iv., of Tho Hague Convention, 1907, states that "the belligerent whioh violates the. rules of the said Regulations shall make indemnity.". The nations, whatever the outcome of the war, can therefore insist upon Germany's paying any compensation properly due to the cities of Belgium.