NOTES ON THE WAR

Dominion, Volume 8, Issue 2271, 3 October 1914, Page 6

NOTES ON THE WAR

News from the centres of conflict in Europe is very scarce to-day. At one o'clock this morning there was not a single night message to hand relating to the operations in cither the Eastern or Western theatres of war. Past experience leads to the conclusion that this indicates that a decisive stage in the struggle in Franco'has been reached, and the Censor'has shut'down rigorously on nows from all sources. A day message from the Times correspondent in Paris intimates that the. prospect of, a big victory for the Allies in the largest battle in the history of the world is still good, and with that we must for the moment rest content. The latest messages, which usually reach us between 2 and 3 a.m., may throw some light on the position, but this page goes to press before, they are likely to arrive to-day.

There are renewed mutterings of trouble from the Turkish quarter. It is stated that, a critical situation exists between Turkey, and the Entente, and it is understood that the Porte intends to make demands On Britain in connection, with tho position of certain British t warships. Presumably this means that some of our vessels are watching the Dardanelles, where the German battlecruiser Goeben and tho light cruiser Breslau are interned, and Turkey does not like the surveillance that is being exercised. Probably, under the prompting of Germany, she is merely making it the pretext for a quarrel'. The only real importance of Turkey's neutrality so far as the Entente is concerned is the possible influence the Porte might exercise in Egypt in the event of the Sdlta"« being embroiled in tho war. The recent removal of the British garrison from Egypt, and the replacing of the force there with Territorials, 'may have been a factor in encouraging the Porte to assert itself.' India is hardly likely to lend any encourage-, ment to the Turks in any movement against Britain. On the otb.er_ha.nd, should Turkey venture to join the Austro-German combination, then assuredly Bulgaria and Greece would at once range themselves on the other side, and probably' iUimama and Italy as well. Trouble in Egypt arising out of Turkey's participation in the war might very easily spread to Tripoli, and_ seriously affect Italian interests in their new territorial acquisition. There can he no doubt that Gorman influence in Turkey has been very strong of late and the.Turks may permit themselves to be egged on to their ruin— for this is what it will mean should they commit themselves to Germany —but so far as the general situation is concerned, Turkey's participation in the war probably would benefit Sie 'Entente rather than the AustroGerman Alliance.

Sojie people may wonder why it isthat the Kaiser appears always as the foremost figure in German aifairs. Whether it is in deciding the military plan' of campaign; or a naval matter; or an affair of diplomacy ; or an internal economic trouble, it is the- Kaiser—always the Kaiser—who appears as the dominant guiding influence. Generals, admirals, statesmen, all arc little better than marionettes acting as ho dictates. He is the Overlord, not merely in name, but in fact—an interfering, domineering, arrogant Master. It is now contended that th» failure of Germany's plans may.

bs largely laid at his door—that his blindness to his own limitations has led him to push aside his counsellors and pit himself against the statecraft and military and naval genius of the best brains and most highlytrained strategists and tacticians of Europe. It is interesting to note what the Berlin correspondent of the Lpndon Daily Mail has to say concerning the "omnipotence" of _ the Kaiser. "No one who has not lived in Germany," the correspondent states, "can possibly comprehend the over-allness of the Kaiser. His official title is not the All-Highest Person without a, reason 1 . He is it. Berlin cannot erect a- public fountain, an opera house, an elevated railway station, or a statue without his all; highest approval. If his omnipotence extends to the unconsidered trifles of national life, visualise his alrnightincss in connection, with the affairs which count. A great career is impossible without his favouring smile; a frown from Jove wrecks it irreparably. ■ Chancellors, Ministers, generals, admirals, and burgomasters propose. The Kaisek disposes. Tirpitz the Eternal, I believe, is the only statesman who has ever even approximately imposed his own will of iron upon that of his Imperial master. Prince Bulow used to get his own way occasionally between anecdotes in .a. promenade round the gardens of the - Imperial Chancellery. But the point remains. Germany under'.William II has been a one-man country so far as its administration is concerned. Others have helped build it .but none has helped to 'run' it. The hand on the throttle of the engine of State is the steel-gloved hand of this Supreme War Lord. That is another of the All-Highest Person's official titles, by the way. English newspaper readers sometimes think • its employment is heavy journalistic irony. The military rank of William II inpeace and war is that of Oberster Kriegsherr (Highest War Lord)." Everything point's, therefore, to the Kaiser imposing his ideas on his generals.

While the German Fleet lies blockaded in its ports, some interesting speculations are abroad as to the 'nature of the encounter that will take place if it ventures out to sea. In articles and letters from the pens of naval experts, whioh have appeared of late in the'leading English newspapers, the dominant note is one of buoyant confidence, and cogent reasons are advanced in support of a belief that the British Navy is superior to its adversary, not merely in the number of its ships and guns, but ship for ship and gun for gun. An initial fact to be borne-in mind is that Germany, with her recentlyacquired fleet, cannot be expected to have at command the services of such able and experienced naval strategists as to-day control the' British Navy. As to battle prospects, there are admittedly some open questions in regard to naval warfare which only a practical test can finally determine. Even the Dreadnought does hot occupy an unchallenged position, but if Britain has erred in concentrating on Dreadnought-building Germany is equally in error. , It has been' claimed for the • German guns that they will remain in good condition after a larger number of full rounds than the corresponding British weapons, but experts dismiss this consideration with the cotnfortablo remark that tho British ships ought to sink their opponents before, the guns are worn at.'all. It goeswitbr out saying that in any conceivable fleet action Britain would bring more ships and more.guns into-play than Germany could muster, and.the question would then resolve itself into one of respective merit in gunnery and tactics. Some authorities consider that German naval-strategists, in shaping their battle tactics, have taken a lesson from their military confrere-a, and that they will adopt a quick rush to close quarters, relying for Victory upon volume and rapidity of fire in these conditions. The grounds for this belief are largerytecimical, but they are strenghened by what is known of the accepted 'systems of fire control in the respective navies. 'British battleships carry an elaborate range-finding equipment in their armoured turrets, jtnd in fire-control tops, the latter enabling them to range accurately over a long distance. German ships have no fire-control tops, and carry,' it is stated, only one- range-finder, and that one not protected by armour'. Assuming these suppositions about the comparative neglect of rangefinding on German ship's to be correct, their fire would be effective only at short ranges. Consequently in a fiSval battle they would be exposed to the long-range firo of the British ships when steaming into action, and there is no reason to suppose that in the ultimate conflict at comaparativcly close quarters the British.gunners would be at any disadvantage. In addition to this, there is always, of course, the possibility that the British ships, finding it possible to inflict crushing damage upon the shins of the enemy while these vero still beyond their effective range, might elect to continue the battle under the samo conditions..

It is of interest to note that in connection with the annual gunnery tests of the British Navy, for the year 1913, the vessels of the Australian Navy won a prominent place. The battle-cruiser H.M.A.S. Australia- was second in the whole of the Navy in the heavy gun-layers' tests for ships armed with _ 12in. guns. In.'the percentage of hits to. the number of rounds fired in battle practice she was actually first of all the British ships of the Dreadnought and later classes. In the, firing of her smaller guns she took eighth position, and in battle practice for Class I ships she was sixth. This is a very fine record, and affords an excellent' idea of the high pitch of efficiency reached by the men of the Commonwealth Na-vy. Australia may well be proud of her fleet when in competition with the best that the British Navy possesses her ships can hold their own in the manner indicated.

It is a fact not lacking significance tKitT the State of New South AValcs, where a .Labour Government is in charge, appears to bo experiencing a great deal of difficulty in arriving at a satisfactory adjustment.of tlio industrial position as it is affected by the war. According to the Sydney Alominr/ Herald, _ the refusal of certain unions to discontinue striking, despite the war, and the disposition of some other .unions to start fresh strikes have been debated in _ the Labour Party caucus with considerable animation. It has been pointed out at recent caucus gatherings that the attitude of -a number of refractory unions threatens to make the administration of the Arbitration Act by Labour Ministers almost impossible. Some members, it is stated, have asked how a Government, pledged to administer this law impartially, can enforce the Act against employers for breaches of awards , vfhen unions are breaking the- Act

flagrantly at every turn. A. suggestion that the punitive sections of the Act should be put into force against employees as well as employers has engendered some heat in the ranks of the party, for the proposal is thorny one for members representing seats where the industrial element preponderates.' The situation is one which past experience of the working of industrial arbitration in this country makes it fairly oasy to understand. Apparently the New South Wales Labour Ministers are learning by bitter experience that the task of attempting to satisfy a certain militant section of organised labour is a sheer, impossibility. )Nt» doubt the ultimate result in New South Wales and elsewhere will be a great revolt on the part of reasonable, working men against the irreconcilable section, wnich insists, to the great loss of all concerned, upon converting the industrial arena into a field of battle, but the main consideration at the moment is that it is exceedingly unfortunate that' such a state of affafrs should exist in any British country in time of war. One fruit of the spirit animating Labour in New South Wales has been. the definite rejection of a. proposal that provision should be made for the suspension of industrial awards in the event of such a course appearing desirable. Happily in New Zealand this has been accepted as a reasonable precaution in tho conditions which temporarily obtain. Circumstances may easily arise in whioh a limited amount of work can be made available, even though full working under ordinary award conditions is impossible. In declining to take this view the New South Wales Labour Party has simply closed a door which might have been opened with benefit to workers and employers alike.