The Dominion. FRIDAY, JULY 17, 1911. COMPULSORY AND PERPETUAL UNIONISM

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 2204, 17 July 1914, Page 6

The Dominion. FRIDAY, JULY 17, 1911. COMPULSORY AND PERPETUAL UNIONISM

In the course of the debate in the House of Representatives on Wednesday. in reference to the use of trade union funds for political purposes the Hon. F. M. B. Fisher de-' 'clarcd that some of the demands being made on behalf of Labour would practically mean the establishment of ,a scheme of compulsory and perpetual unionism. The preference clauses in some awards already go a long way to make unionism a necessity, for everyone who desires to earn a livelihood in the industries concerned, while many employers who are not actually compelled by law to give preference to unionists, do so for the sake of peace., They are naturally anxious to prevent the periodical dislocation of their business, and in some cases , they insist that-all in their employment must join the union.. It is sometimes contended that our legislation should go further than it has yet gone, and that the Government should grapple with the problem of fixing prices, arid in this way the process of State interference with industry might go on extending in all directions until the burden became, so great that the whole system would break down of its own weight. As a matter of fact history tells us that a great attempt was made in the days of Imperial Rome to establish compulsory and perpetual unionism such as that referred to by Mr. Fisher. Professor Flinders Petrie describes how the principle _ of compulsory unionism resulted in the compulsory and monopolist association of employers who were compelled to do a certain amount of cheap work for the poor. This proletariat 'taxation was regulated in accordance with a firm's wealth, the natural result being that it became the aim of every'man to work with the smallest possible amount of_ capital, and to invest all spare capital elsewhere. In order to prevent this a law was passed \vhioh_ provided that ajl capital, onco in a business, could never lie withdrawn, and that all profits must also be kept in the business. This made matters so intolerable that many retired "upon a small competence rather than live under such a burden," and "there was a general decline of commerce and industry.". The next step was to declare that property was attached to the union permanently, and then no one with capital would join a trade union.' Still more drastic legislation followed, until'by 270 a.d., Aurelian had made unionism compulsory for life, and we are told that "the Empire was an immense gaol where all worked, not according to taste but by force." The position became so galling that "men would leave all that they had to got out of the hateful bondage." The climnx was reached when a decree-was issued re-

guldting all prices throughout tho Empire. This vast experiment ol the third century proved a gigantic failure, and the much more extensive and complex character of tho industrial system of the twentieth century makes the permanent success of similar experiments even moro unlikely. Compulsory and perpetual unionism is contrary to human nature. After it has been carried beyond a certain limit the best • minds are bound to revolt against it, and a reaction is inevitable, for a people who would allow all its individuality and independence to bo crushed out could not retain sufficient virility and progressiveness to maintain its position_ in the world. There are indications that tho workers themselves are beginning to feel the irksomeness of tho of certain extreme forms of unionism. The London Times recently published an article by a Labour correspondent in which ho explains the cause > and .significance of the new movement towards greater industrial freedom. Tho writer states that there _is a steady increase in tho number of men who refuse on conscientious grounds to join the unions. In former days, when Unionism was less popular than it is at the _ present time, it. was the men of spirit and intelligence who asserted their independence by associating themselves with trade societies; but now that employers aro no longer hostile to the unions, and public opinion is favourable to them, it requires a good deal of moral courage and independence of spirit to stand aioof. The resort to forco. to compel these self-reliant workers who will not swim with the tide to come in arouses that very spirit of selfsacrifice which characterised the men who had the courage to become unionists when it was a risky thing to assert their rights in this matter; It is workmen of this type who are now causing uneasiness to the labour organisers. The employers are inclined to take the line of least resistance by giving preference to unionists,; and . the leaders of the fight against compulsory unionism will probably come from the ranks of the workers themselves. _ Many trades unionists are beginning to see that the cost of labour organisations in the way of levies and contributions, conferences and newspapers, and continual strikes and lock-outs is absorbing most of the increased income they derive from additions to the rate of wages. They arc also growing tired of the unceasing encroachment on their individual liberty and their right of independent action. The labour organisers aro preparing to meet and crush this demand tor more industrial freedom by a great ■ campaign against nonunionism, and by compelling the employers to assist in an attempt to establish a universal system of com-; pulsory unionism. Signs are. not wanting that a crisis in the Labour movement is not far off. The outlook in England is serious, and there is widespread unrest in other parts of the civilised world. Tho writer in the Times, in summing up the situation, states:— The non-unionist knows that the wo(kers icoukl be the greatest sufferers by a general stoppage of industry; he is aware that the injury to industry due ,to constant labour strife will have disastrous effects on wages and. on tho cost of living, and he seeks'to bring the unions back to a sane policy. Instead of being selfish and shortsighted ho is the man of character and ideals,'and is prepared to make sacrifices for what ho believes to be a great cause. tHe .'will win, for the evils against whiclil'he, is contending are becoming intolerable, but in this long and severe struggle, which will leave many marks upon him, ho is entitled to the sympathy of everyone who loves bis country and wishes well to the workingclasses. It is generally admitted _ nowadays that every worker has a right'to organise and to make tho best use of the principle of collective bargaining. He may also decline to work if ho so desires; but he cannot be allowed to prevent other neople from' working, nor can his right to organise be permitted to ta.ke away the freedom of other 'workers whfe may prefer to remain unorganised. The free labourer has just as much right to earn his livelihood as the unionist, and tho penalisation of legitimate industrial .freedom would almost certainly : end in. disaster.