LORD LOREBURN'S LETTER.

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 1891, 28 October 1913, Page 7

LORD LOREBURN'S LETTER.

"THE DANGER IS UPON US." Lord Loreburn says in a letter to "Tho Times": , , Wo are rapidly approaching a critical time. And 1 lioid that every one, whatever his opinion may be, ought to help toward a friendly settlement. A Government Bill is awaiting its passage into law, and Parliament is divided hito \ two great camps, one to which I belong supporting, the other opposing it. Vl''hotis likely to happen if it- passes, and what is' likely to happen if it is in somo way defeated? I will first suppose that tho Bill becomes law next summer, as indeed seems probable. It is inconceivable that Ministers should abandon it unless some alternative is generally, -accepted. No good purpose, however, can be served bv ignoring the certainty that tho passage of this Bill will bo followed by serious rioting in the North of Ireland. It is an extravagance to speak of civil war, or to fancy that tho troops if cnllcd upon will refuse to maintain order. But we know from experience in •the past that miicli disturbance.may be expected, mora widespread and more, violent than on any former occasion j durinz our timea. For th-oro la a con- 1

oral belief that the Conservative party in England is prepared to condono if not to approvo of it. This novel feature cannot fail to inflame tho conflict. However confident w© may feel that the affair would be one of street fighting, quite within the power of tho constabulary with or without troops to r quell, tho spirit- that prompted them would remain. It may bo necessary for tho Government to take all risks. It I must bo foolish to ignore them, and looking at this aspect of the caso alone it is intelligible that hasty critics should say: Drop tho Bill, its consequences are too serious. ? Two Ways to Trouble. r But look at the other side. Suppose 1 that tho Bill proceeds in the ordinary Parliamentary groove, and by some accident it is rojeeted without being replaced by some acceptable measure. So : i'iii as we can measuro tho prospect of disorder in either event, more may be , apprehended from tho refusal than from n i tiie concession. Tlie flerees-t ' riots > known in Belfast during our times oc- > euiTod in ISBG, immediately after Mr. j I Gladstone's Bill had beon destroyed at ' a general election. Exultation breeds ■ more violence than does disappointment 5 in that st-rango climate. Assuredly, - tboro would bo as much or more riot- ■ iiig. Wo iisust realise how great a de- > liiSion it is to suppose that our choice is between two paths, ono leading to 1 ■ l'ur.y and bloodshed; tho other leading 1 to tranquillity. . Both of tho paths 1 which are open at- this moment, unless 1 some common agreement can be reach- " oU. must inevitably talso us into serious i 5 trouble. • 5 I support what has been independently recomended by others, that there ■ should be a conference or direct comt muuieation between the leaders. There J ore grounds for hoping that tho attempt • would not be fruitless, and it can bo de- - nu.nstrated that tho interest of no ' party, great or smSll, would be pre- - judiced by it. Every party, and, what • is more important, every section of, tho ■ community, stands to lose by- fighting 1 out this quarrel to tho bitter end. t So far as party interest goes, I will ' ■> not suppose tliat it would be allowed to prevail against tho public interest, hut 3 if it is to bo computed there is not much J profit for Conservatives in protracting - this long, pernicious controversy. Tho - practical point is that this Bill is most 3 likely to bo placed upon tho Statute - Book next Jane in its present shape uu- - less somo agreement be reached, and sen--1 Siblo people would regulate their action 1 with that probability in view. I Ulster Passions. Coming to Ulster, Sir Edward Carson B has expressed himself not unfavourably ■ toward "local self-government," but i • must confess that ihe prospect does j not look very promising in Ulster when 1 wo regard th© tone of tho meetings f held tliere and the disposition to treat 1 as a sign of weakness any effort to--1 wards peace. Nevertheless, there are - reasons so strong in. themselves that they must weigh even with angry men if we are to reckon upon the ordinary motives of human action. The most fiery partisau sisl hav® some intervals of cool reflection, and must recognisothat revolt will certainly bo put down in tho end, at a heavy sacrifice of life 3 it may be, and that the sympathies of - the public in Eilglan.fi and elsewhere i will not bo on tho side of those who - have provoked l aud commenced scenes , of bloodshed. ' There 'remains another consideration, 3 tho most powerful of all, which must have weiglit not only in Ulster but : everywhere. After all, tho people of Great Britain are entitled to some say i in this business. They are ten times as numerous as the whole population , of Ireland. They have their awn affairs to look after, and it is common ground ® t-hat their own business grievously 3 suffers by the congestion of Pariia--1 ment and the excessive burden which [ falls upon tho Imperial Government. '* When Protestants in tho North daim " t-hat the Imperial Parliament and Executive shall, alono govern their _ country, surely they do less than justice to tho complaints which are made in i England and Scotland of the incurable ■ inefficiency -which now afflicts us hero. > Tho entire Protestant population of j Ireland does not exceed a million. Must ■ they not in reason admit that the forty I millions who inhabit Great Britain can ■ fairly demand consideration? ' In order to make the attempt (at a ' conference) easier and success more • likely no preliminary condition need be, f exacted from anyomo. Tlie discussions) at such a conference I would bo, as in 1910. necessarily confi- - dentlal. But when those confidential ) discussions have been concluded, under ' the seal of lasting seerecy. then I think ■ the final proposals in their ultimate form, together with the final answers ; made on any side, ought to bo publishi ed if unhappily no agreement is con--5 eluded. The country wiTt liavo to suffer ' if things go wrong, and tho country is i entitled to know what stands i.n tho t way of- things going right.