The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1913. POLITICAL AND INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS.

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 1881, 15 October 1913, Page 6

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1913. POLITICAL AND INDUSTRIAL PROBLEMS.

The present state of public affairs in the United Kingdom is decidedly gloomy. Storm clouds are gathering on every hand, and there is a pessimistic feeling abroad as regards the future. The industrial unrest has reached an acute stage; far-reaching changes in the British Constitution have brought about a condition approaching political chaos; the -uomc Rule Bill has divided Ireland into two hostile camps, and may eventually lead to civil war; Lord Roberts and other military authorities are warning the country of danger ahead from rival nations unless a citizen army is established; the race for battleships continues unabated; and Mr.. Lloyd-George has now started a new campaign with the object of radically changing tho land system of England. If these troubles could be dealt with one at a time the situation would not be so very grav<i; but the cumulative effect of such a combination of difficulties is enough to put a very severe strain on the capacity of British statesmanship. Of course, it is easy to exaggerate the gravity of the general outlook, and to paint the picture blacker than it actually is. A spirit of pessimism is abroad at the present time which fosters the idea that Britain is played out, and that the most that anyone can hope for is a postponement of the evil day, Undoubtedly there are many tendencies at work which cannot fail to give rise to a feeling of-.anxiety in the minds of thoughtful people; but the Old Country has successfully passed through much more dangerous crises in the course of her long history, and there is every reason to believe .that she will be able to find a more or less satisfactory solution for the great social, industrial, and political problems which are just , now causing puch widespread unsettlement.

A cablegram which we publish in another column, states that in Britain " the industrial air is filled with ominous rumours of a huge trade war." For several weeks the city of Dublin has'been the scene of a desperate struggle against the' tyranny of a form of syndicalism known as _ Larkinism. It is not trades unionism against which the employers are fighting, but against the Irish Transport Workers' Union of which Mr. Larkin is secretary. In a statement justifying its action in declaring a lock-out the Dublin Coal • Merchants' Association points out that its members have no objection to their employees belonging to " any union acting in a lawful and reasonable manner, but as the Irish Transport Workers' Union will not allow their members to deliver coal to certain firms the merchants are compelled to give- notice that they will not any longer employ men belonging to this union, and who will not make deliveries in accordance with any orders given by the employers." _ The Association contends that the issue simply is the right of the employers to conduct their own business on ordinary trade lines, and to supply their customers. All efforts to bring about a settlement of the dispute have so far failed. Hundreds of men, women and children are on the verge of starvation, tho industrial life of the community, has been thrown into a

state of chaos, and feelings of class hatred have been aroused which it will t-ake a long time to allay. All this might have been avoided'if the law of the United Kingdom made it compulsory that before a strike or lock-out could be lawfully commenced time should be given for securing, if possible, a settlement by mutual discussion and conciliation, combined with the pressure of public opinion. Provisions in this direction arc contained in the Arbitration Act Amendment Bill now before the New Zealand Parliament, and recent happenings in Dublin and elsewhere show how needful such legislation is in the interests both of the workers and the employers, and also of the general public. In a recent leading article the London Times_ expressed the opinion that " the coming industrial crisis " may perhaps be postponed for a. time, but present indications forbid the hope that it can altogether bo averted. " The situation has not been caused by trades unionism, but by the breakdown of trades unionism." Some recent events and tendencies certainly support this view of the position; but it is quite possible that if the crisis can be put off for any length of time, it may be permanently averted by tho discovery of a way out. The population of the United' Kingdom is composed in the main of common-sense men and women who have no desire to see a life and death struggle between Capital and Labour, which could only result in disaster to both, and to the'.nation as a whole. It would be sheer folly to give up in despair on the unreasonable- assumption that it is impossible to bring about a state of affairs in which justice would be done to all parties. If the problem is approached in a spirit of wisdom, patience, and mutual good will there is every reason to believe that the threatened industrial catastrophe will bo avoided. The chief danger lies in the recklessly provocative tactics of irresponsible agitators whose occupation would be gone if every labour dispute was decided by an appeal to reason and justice instead of passion and prejudice. The principal matter at issue between Capital and Labour at the present time is not so much a question of .wages as of industrial freedom, both" for employer and worker. The employer is asserting his right to manage his own business in his own way, and every man should have the liberty to work either as a free labourer or as a member of a union. The denial of these claims would mean a new form of slavery; and yet the trades unionist fears that to admit them would plaoe him at a great disadvantage in the labour market. The problem before the statesman arid the social reformer is the attainment of a lasting industrial settlement which will secure for the worker flic best possible treatment as regards wages and conditions, of employment,' and for the employer the greatest amount of freedom in the management of his business consistent witn the just rights of his employees and of the general public. We want to get rid of the mischievous idea that the interests of Labour and Capital are necessarily conflicting. It is so utterly wrong, and it begets that spirit of suspicion and bitterness which is liable at any moment to break out into open hostility to the injury not only of the parties directly concerned, but also of the whole community.