The Dominion. TUESDAY, JUNE 24, 1913. THE AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL CRISIS.

Dominion, Volume 6, Issue 1784, 24 June 1913, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, JUNE 24, 1913. THE AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL CRISIS.

The latest developments in connection with the political crisis in Australia arc the resignation of the Federal Prime Minister (Me. Fishep.) and the acceptance by the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Cook) of tEe invitation to form a Ministry. Mr. Fisher deserves credit for the prompt and straightforward manner in which he relinquished office as soon as it became certain that the Liberals have a majority in the House of Representatives, even though it is only a majority of one. Some over-zealous supporters of the Labour party have endeavoured to prove that Mr. Fisher should not have resigned, inasmuch as Mr. Cook's majority will disappear as soon as a Speaker is appointed; but as the Melbourne Age points out, if this argument is to be carried to its logical conclusion, some explanation must be offered as to how a Labour party of 37 members could succeed better than a Liberal party of 38. Some interesting developments in party tactics may now be expected before long, as the Federal financial year concludcs on June 30, and Supply is only granted up to the end of July. Therefore, unless Parliament authorises the payment of salaries and other necessary expenditure to carry the Government beyond that date, serious complications will arise.. It has not yet, however.' been made clear whether the LaWir party will block •Supply. The general opinion seems to be that they will not take this extreme step, but will reservo the trial of strength for what they may consider a more suitable occasion from the party point of view. Some of the Labour members think that the Liberals should be allowed to administer the affairs of the country for one session, but others hold that a dissolution should be forced almost immediately. All.are agreed, . however, that another appeal to the electors cannot be long delayed. One of the Labour Ministers has declared that "it is unthinkable that there should be a double, dissolution because the Senate rejected a Bill sent to it oil the casting vote of the Speaker." To this the Arpns pertinently replies that "what is unthinkable is that a majority of the House of Eenresentativeß should be

rendered impotent to pass measures, or to obtain the double dissolution wlucli the Constitution provides for, because it has been compelled by the vote of the people to rely 011 the casting vote of the Speaker. . . . The Parliament must cither deal reasonably with tho Liberal programme, which will include a rectification of the shamefully lax electoral system, or it must go as a whole to its masters, the people, for further directions."

A new point of some interest has been raised regarding the procedure in case of a deadlock between the two Houses. It is contended by some that, while the double dissolution is 'the only remedy for a complete deadlock between the House and Senate, yet if, owing to the equal strength of parties, the Government should be unable to proceed with business in the House of Representatives, then it would be open to the Governor-General to dissolve that House only. This point was submitted to Mr. Glynn, M.P., who is a recognised authority on Constitutional procedure, and he admitted that the Governor-General might, if ho thought fit, take the course indicated, but he would only do so on the advice of the Prime Minister for the time being. It is not, however, at all likely that Mr. Cook, if he sHould find it impossible to proceed wjth the work of the session, would tender any such advice. He would almost certainly ask for a double dissolution, for even if a fresh election for the House of Representatives gave him a larger majority in that Chamber, he would still be faced with the present Labour majority in the Senate, which would, make it impossible to give effect to his policy. The majority 'of Labour Senators are said -to be against cither a double dissolution or a second election for the House during the present year. The Age quotes the opinion of a "shrewd observer" that "another election would suit tho Liberals excellently. A double dissolution before Christmas would probably put Labour in a minority in the Senate for the next six years. Labour would lose another three seats in New South Wales; at least two more in Victoria, an additional three in Tasmania, two more in South Australia, and with new candidates in Queensland, the Liberals would at the very least halve the- representation." Even if tho electors had given the Labour Government a majority in the House of Representatives, they could not have given effect to tho principal part of their programme, owing to tho rejection of the Referendum proposals on which it was based. They would have been as effectually blockcd by the Constitution, as the Liberals will probably be by the Labour majority in the Senatp. The Liberals are, however, bound to accept the situation, and proceed with the business of the country until a crisis is precipitated, and then they will have the dissolution to fall back upon. They recognise the great importance of being in possession of the machinery of government when, tho time for the next election arrives, and in the meantime they intend to endeavour to pass an Electoral Eeform Bill. They fully realise the difficulty of having continually to rely upon the casting vote of the Speaker but hope to carry on until a favourable opportunity arises for making another appeal to the people. The whole situation is in many ways unique, and the course of events in the near future will be watched with tho greatest interest.