The Dominion. MONDAY, MAY 19, 1913. PREFERENCE AND EMPIRE.

Dominion, Volume 6, Issue 1753, 19 May 1913, Page 4

The Dominion. MONDAY, MAY 19, 1913. PREFERENCE AND EMPIRE.

We have not heard very much about Tariff llcform arid Imperial Preference of late, but an interesting little skirmish on the subject took place in the House of Commons early last month. The matter was introduced in tho form of a motion by a Liberal member, Sib F. Low, and without any apparent reason, unless it was to direct attention to the change; in Unionist policy on tho question of Tariff Reform. The motion expressed the view that the proposal to levy import duties on manufactured goods, and at the same time to admit agricultural products free would be from every point of view indefensible. The argument in support of the motion naturally made appeal to the agricultural interests. It was contended that if any one class more than another required assistance in England at the present time it was the class associated with agriculture, whereas this was the one. class singled out by the Unionists for hostile treatment. Industries which did not rcmiirc assistance were to receive the aid of a protective tariff, while those who worked the land, and were struggling under adverse conditions, wen; not only to be. given mi help, hut they would have to hear an additional burden, which would result from I he higher pricey wiiieli would follow on the tariff duties. An attack <>! this nature, naturally was rather discomfiting t" the Unionists, who look hugely to tiff agricultural interests for sun.-.

port, and they sought to turn tho tide of debate with an amendment moved by Captain Tryon in the following terms: That this House approves a reform of our tariff which would: (1) Adopt Imperial preference (in so far as it can bo carried out without imposing fresh duties on imported foodstuffs) by admitting imports from the British Dominions at lower rates of'duty than thoso levied on imports from foreign countries; (2) impose a moderate duty not exceeding 10 per cent, ad valorem on foreign-manufactured goods, in order (a) to safeguard the stability of British productive industries against tia attacks of artificially-stimulated foreign competition, (b) to increase tho national revenue and to mako funds available for the assistance of agriculture and purposes of social reform.

The amendment, which is cleverly framed, served as a preface to several interesting speeches explanatory of the changed policy of the Unionist Party. The difliculty the party has experienced in tho past in combating the "dear bread" argument put forward by its opponents -whenever there is any talk of new tariff duties, is now met by a- definite declaration that no fresh duties whatever will be imposed on imported foodstuffs. Mi:. Borah Law was . t drawn into the debate by a spccch %om the Solicitor-General, Sir. J. Simon, who had taunted the Opposition wi,th delaying Imperial Preference by excluding duties on foodstuffs, and also with a dssirc "to create more jobs in the towns, in order that the agricultural labourer may desert the countryside," which was already too sparsely populated. The Unionist Leader's retort to tho latter contention was that agriculture at the present time suffered more from j local taxation than, any other industry, and that tho proposal was to use part of the increased revenue which would come from the suggested duties "to lower the heavy burdens on agriculture." j It was on the subject of Imperial Preference, however, that Mil. Bonar Law's speech was of most interest to the Overseas Dominions. There was nothing very new in what he said, but he was most emphatic in his declaration in favour of tho adoption of this means of assisting to "the consolidation and union of the Empire." And it would seem from his remarks that whilo tho Tariff- lieformers have deemed it advisable to drop what has been termed their "full policy of preference." they are nono tho less determined to give effect to the modified measure of reform indicated by the terms of the amendment quoted above. An extract from Mr. Box.ut Law's speech may be quoted as showing the view the Unionist Party holds on the question:

One of. my main reasons for that [believing that Imperial preference will tend to consolidation and union of tho Umpire] is that for full generation every ono of our self-govorniug dominions, whatever Government was in power—Liberal, Conservative, or Cbbour—has taken tho view that it would tend to liavo that n suit. (Cheers.) Prom the Conference at Ottawa down to the most recent Conference, they have all expressed the same view. We are, all of us, or at least most of us, desirous to see'. greater union throughout tho Empire. I was jdeast, when the Prime Minister last year, in discussing this question from tho point of view of the Navy, said he desired greater co-operation in peace as well as in war. 1 think ho is right, for if you do not cooperate in peace you will never get cooperation in war. ' (Cheers.) For ail these years, Government after Government has urged it upon us, and surely tile simple fact that they have done so should be a reason to make any. Government ver slow to refuso to consider tho request. Tho other reason is because I believe it is vital to tho trade of this country.' I dcubt if any lion, member realises how much we are dependent upon the Colonies for tho sale of manufactured goods. W.a send them something liko 40 per cent, of our exports. D'des anyone doubt that tho preference is of enormous advantage to us in regard to our trade? . • . What do they [the colonies] ask for? He urged his Majesty's Government to give a preference to the products and manufactures of> the colonies, cither by exception from or a reduction of duties now or 'hereafter imposed. What we propose to do is to give tho colonies at once exactly what they have asked for. . . . At the Colonial Conference in 1007 the Prime Minister was urged by one of the Colonial Prime Ministers to do what we say wo will do. What was his answer? It was: "It means that wo lire to consider the question whether wo are to treat foreigners and t'ho colonies as if they were different and that we consider we are not able to do." Well, we are nble to do it, and wo shall do it. (Cheers.)

The London Times, commenting on the debate and the Unionists' attitude, remarked : that they wove following the universal trend of Imperial opinion; that is that every tariff should in the'first place be framed to fit the national interest of the country responsible for it, and should then, as its secondary object, provide for Imperial Preference on any duties thus laid down. _ That is all that the Overseas Dorr.inions can ask, or do ask. Britain, in adjusting her fiscal policy, has to consider the necessities and interests of Britain first, and therefore the whole question of preference is one which must be settled by the people, of the Motherland themselves—just as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand settled it for themselves—without outside interference.