JAPAN'S CRISIS.

Dominion, Volume 6, Issue 1721, 11 April 1913, Page 6

JAPAN'S CRISIS.

SIGNIFICANT CAMPAIGN ! THE DIET AND THE "PRIVILEGED | CASTE." I , An issue of great importance has just , been decided in Japan (says tho London , "Observer"). It, is nothing more or less than this—who are to be the real rulers of the country? The Japanese are a remarkable people. . Upwards of thirty years ago they received at the hands of their lleaven-descended ' Emperor a Constitution. They have now , awakened to the fact that that instru- , liient is not for ornament, but for use. j Up till quite recent times the Japanese man-in-the-street had. no use either .for politics or tor the politician. Neither the 011 c nor the other, if tho truth'must be told, stood in good odour with tho race ; of Yamato. Even members of the Diet, ' for all that they enjoyed tho princely ■ salary of 2000 yen a year and a free : pass 011 the Government railways, scarcely received from their countrymen the 1 homage to which their position might ' have been supposed to entitle them. .Now, all of a sudden, the people are beginning lo take a lively interest in their onstitii- ' tion. ' Thousands of them havo been turned away iroin political mass meetings for lack of space; and when, the other day, a few members of the Diet • appeared in front of the Parliament . buildings, they were cheered as national , heroes by an immense concourse of their 1 countrymen. [ These things are symptomatic of a great 1 ehaiigo which has come over the spirit of the nation. They are not manifestations of a transient curiosity; they aro signs of the times. In tho Constitution about which all ; Japan is' now talking, there is much mention of the Emperor and his Ministers, j But nothing is said of a small group of ! statesmen, not includec] in the Cabinet, ' in whoso hands, throughout tho Meiji- , era, tho real power has reposed. In every crisis of the nation's affairs, for { a generation . past, these men have .met . in council, as the arbiters of its destiny. Their decision has been sccrctcly con--5 voyeil to the Cabinet, or has been made . public by means of an Imperial Decree. . In either case, it has settled the course I of national action. 1 5 On tho whole tho system lias not worlc--1 ed badly. For these Elder' Statesmen, as , they are called, are the" makers of tho . New Japan; they have had wisdom and ; experience, if not tho letter of the law, . on their side. Although, as representative of the great feudal dans of bygone [ days, they are of the militarist faith, ; and have an utter detestation for party ; Government in any shape or form, their decisions have hitherto been received with respect.. In an evil moment, however, . they identified. themselves with the demand . of the army authorities for the addition ■ of two new divisions to the land force-.-of the Empire, on the score of increased 1 I responsibilties in Korea. This was tho i spark which fired the train of political ! feeling which led, in its turn, to the i unprecedented scenes of disorder witj nessed recently in Tokio. ' Tho political situation at tho time tho- | militarists put forward their demand is worth consideration. Prince Katsura, himself one of the Genro, and a militarist at heart, had been succeeded in tho Premiership by Marquis Saionji. Tlie cliango was not to Hie liking of tho "privileged caste," as they are called in Japan. For the Marquis, who is credited Avitli comparatively "advanced" views, was the v leader of the Senjukni, or Constitutionalists, the strongest party in tho Diet, comprising in itself three-fifths of the membership of tho Lower House. Not only, therefore, would his administration possess a party chief, but might itself be mado ill time a party' Cabinet. From that to the establishment of the principle of Ministerial responsibility to tlie Diet, and the elimination of the bureaucracy, as a ruling force, would be a swift and easy process. It became necessary, therefore, to destroy the Saionji Cabinet, and the demand for the additional army corps —to whic'li: it was known that Cabinet would not' consent—was put forward' with that object.' •••"' Up to a certain' point tlio plot: was successful. Prince Katsura was recalled to power, but insuperablo difficulties soon arose. It had been confidently 'expected that that statesman, with liberal funds at his disposal,' would havo no difficulty in securing, by hook or -by crook,' the support of "a new party" in the Diet. Hoivover, tho, unexpected happened. Not only the Senjukai, but the Diet as a whole, rose. to . tho occasion. All parties united to form a "Constitution 'Protection Society." Katsura's allurements proved unavailing, And the* "hew party" a fiasco. And when, on the third proro : gation of tlie Diet, serious riots broke ■ one in Tokio, Osaka and other centres, it became evident tliat behind the Diet stood the nation—and in 110 paltering mood. Prince Katsura resigned; the militarists in general subsided, and theSenjukai were left in a position to congratulate themselves 011 having won ii victory for Constitutionalism the like of which has never been known in Japan A few days ago the seal was set upon tho victory of the Diet. A new Cabinet lias been formed under Admiral Yaniamoto, whoso career is one to whiich 110 Constitutionalist could take exception, and who, at all events, is no militarist. But tho most remarkable thing about this Cabinet is that a majority of itsmembers are also members of the Senjukai. Tho principle for which that party has been fighting lias therefore , been maintained, and _ the result cannot fail ] to have far-reaching results on. the future of government in Japan. "