HOME RULE BILL.

Dominion, Volume 5, Issue 1413, 13 April 1912, Page 5

HOME RULE BILL.

INTRODUCED IN HOUSE OF COMMONS. PROVISIONS EXPLAINED BY MR, ASQUITH. ULSTER'S REPRESENTATION. SHARP EXCHANGE WITH MR. BQNAR LAW. I By Telegraph—Press Association—OoprriEtt ' LONDON, 'April 11. The Home Rule Bill was introduced in the House of Commons to-day b'J the Prime Minister. The measure, amongst other things, provides for 'An Irish Senate of h0 members, all nominated. 'A House of Commons of 16/ t members, of whom 50 shall represent Ulster. Forty-two Irish members to sit in the Imperial Parliament. 'Among matters which are to be excluded from the scope of the Irish Parliament are the following Crown and Imperial Affairs. The Navy and Army. The Land Purchase (Ireland) Act. Old Age Pensions. National Insurance. . Eoyal,lrish Constabulary. The Post Office Savings Bank. Collection of Imperial Taxes. The Imperial Parliament will retain the power of vetoing or postponing, legislation. A cardinal principle ts that the Imperial Parliament shall not surrender its supreme authority. Mr Asquith explained that the Irish Parliament would not be able to endow any religion. There would be no religious tests nor any interference with the validity of mixed marriages. The Irish revenue would be collected by the Imperial Government and transferred to the 'Irish Parliament with a „rant at ' the outset of £500,000 yearly. C ustoms and excise 'will be transferred to Ireland, with limitations m regard to the matter, of increasing Customs dues.

AN HISTORIC speech.

THE CHANGES SINCE 1893. IRELAND'S PERSISTENT DEMAND. •(Rec. April'l2, 10:35 p.m.) ii!"Tiu;.v 1 iLondon, /April 12. The House of' Commons' was crowded yesterday when the Prime Minister (Mr. Asquitli) introduced the Home Eulo for Ireland Bill. Every seat in tlie Chamber had been secured hours before. A loud shout welcomed Mr. Asquitli on. his appearance, and Mr. Bedmond, leader of tho Irish Nationalists, a few minutes later was greeted with triumphant cheers by the members of his party. Mr. Bonar Law, Leader of tho Opposition, and Mr. Balfour were also checrcd, but a special ovation was reserved by tho Unionists for Sir Edward Carson, leader of the Ulster irreconcilables. . As the Premier rose a tense silence fell upon tho House. Mr. Asquith, in opening, paid a tribute to Mr. Gladstone's speech of 1893 on tlie second Homo Rule Bill. That speech, lie said, was a .perfect exposition of the historic case between Britain and Ireland. He would take up the case where Mr. ■Gladstone had finished, and would first ask how far the argument for and against Home Rule had been affected by subsequent events. Eight general elections had occurred since 1891. Party fortunes had ebbed and flowed, Governments had come and gone, and yet through the shifting issues and changing policies the constant insistence and persistence of tho Irish demands had remained. Let them glance at Ireland's preponderant vote for Home Eule: look at Ulster (Unionist cheers), where there were seventeen Unionists and sixteen Home Rulers. (Ministerial cheers.) He had spoken not disrespectfully of tho hostility to Home Eule by tho majority of the north-eastern counties, and it was .1 factor not ignored in the present Bill, but he was unable to admit a minority's Tight to veto the verdict of a majority of the countrymen.

AN INADEQUATE SET-OFF,

Th& t improved conditions and restoration of social order had removed ono argument formerly used against Home Rule. Tho Irish. Local Government Act, and the Land Purchase, Labourers', University, Old Age Pensions, and National Insurance Acts were a tardy and inadequate set-off against evils which Irishmen believed wero duo to over-taxation and depopulation. He contended that the granting of Imperial credit in working the Land Purchase and Old Age Pensions Acts had made separation more unthinkable to Ireland than ever. Dealing with the question from the standpoint of tho United Kingdom and the Empire, Mr. Asquith emphasised tlio imperative need of emancipating the Imperial Parliament from local burdens. They would never got local concerns treated tiraously or sympathetically until they had tho wisdom and courage to transfer their consideration to representatives of tho people affected. He emphasised the congestion of business in the Houso of Commons under what ho described as tho existing system of centralised impotence, and asked hnw it was possible for tho House to discharge its duty to the Empire. AUTONOMY IN THE EMPIRE, Referring to the grant of autonomy to Australia and South Africa, and of selfgovernment to the Transvaal, Jlr. Asquith said these v.ere strictly analogous to Ilomo Rule for Ireland. He would be a bold mau who would assert that the situation in Ulster presented more difficulties than in South Africa, with 13oers and Britons living side by side in a territory just recovering from an internccino war. Jn the caio of Australia and South Africa, Hie object was to provide a central legislative and administrative authority to deal with matters of common interest to separate adjacent States, whilo maintaining the utmost individual autonomy for local purposes. In Britain they started witli a congested central body, which, iT it intended to tarry out its work efficiently, and in the, common interests of the whole,.must delegate; local interests to local management. The great Dominions, although starting at. opposite poles, wcro all animated by tho same

goal. Ho was sure tlicy were all in hearty sympathy with the spirit and purpose of Homo Eulo.

THE IRISH PARLIAMENT,

The first clause of the Bill stipulated for the unchallenged supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Irish Parliament would consist of the King and two Houses, which according to tho Bill would only be empowered to make laws exclusively relating to Ireland. The Bill excludes from tho Irish Parliament and Crown questions of peace and - war, the control of tho Navy and Army, tho making of treaties, the bestowal of dignities, impeachment for treason, ancl a number of other matters.

These important matters were reserved for the Imperial Parliament—the Lani Purchase Act because tho security for tho system rested on. Imperial credit, which must in nowise be affected. There would be an automatic transfer of the Constabulary at the end of a sexennium, and the transfer of the Post Office and Savings Bank at tho end of a decade if tho Irish Parliament wishes, and similarly Tvith old age pensions and national insurance. The Irish Parliament would not be allowed to repeal or alter any oi tho provisions of the Homo linlo Act, noi to interfere with tho right of appeal tc tlio Privy Council concerning the validity of laws passed by the Irish Parliament. After mentioning the religious safe< guards, Mr. Asquith explained that Bills passed in Ireland would bo subject to tin Lord-Lieutenant's veto. A NOMINATED SENATE, Regarding the Senate, it was desirabli to have representatives of the minority tflio would possibly be unrepresented i: the Senate was elected. Tho Imperia Executive would nominate senators foi eight years, and they would retiro in ro tation, their places being filled by tin Irish Executive. (Unionist laughter.) Regarding the Irish House of Commons each constituency would have 2",000 elec tors, giving Ulster 59 members, Lcinste 49, Munstcr 47, Connaught 25, and tin Universities 2. In the event of disagreement betweei the two Houses, they would sit together Tho Executive would be the same a ;hat of tho 1893 Bill. Regarding financial relations, the Gov srnment had not adopted the Primros Commission scheme, but had benefited b; Is suggestions, and its reports would b presented to Parliament. The Estimate [or the coming year show tho truo Iris! revenue at about .£10,810,000, and the expenditure on Irish services at about £12,350,000. Tho Irish Parliament would [>ay the cost of all except the reserved services, and the annual grant of half a million would gradually be reduced to i' 200,000.. Tho Imperial Parliament would continue to tax the whole Kingdom, and tho Irish would be empowered to reduce or discontinue for Ireland any Imperial tax, provided the sum Imperially transferred to Ireland is correspondingly reduced. THE POWER TO TAX. The Irish Parliament would bo empowered to impose taxes on its own account, but would not bo empowered to impose Customs except on articles dutiablo in tho United Kingdom. It would not bo empowered to augment an Imperinl duty or Custom or tho Imperial income tux I but it would be free in connection witli stamp duties, although, somo of theso would remain uniform throughout tho Kingdom. ' The .Toint Exchequer Board, of two members on each side, with a chairman nominated by tho Crown, would adjust financial lelations. Irish representation at Westminster would Ik. based on one member for every hundred thousand of population. Tlrs would involve the merging of the majority of the existing boroughs and counties, and hence the universities would cease to be represented. (Ministerial cheers.) Between twenty and thirty self-govern-ing legislatures were now under allegiance to the Crown. Would one more break up the Empire? (Cheers.) Tho demand now emanated not from outlying quarters, but from a country near their own shores, hound by tie.-: of kindred, and ai-r-ociated in every form nl' serial and industrial movement, and who had borne and were bearing a. noble share in the upbuilding and holding together of the spirit, and the bnpn of nMfliniuß tbn nun'! creatost limDiv« Uio world luwl avw «sen (

A SHARP EXCHANGE. p: Mr. Asquith, in closing, quoted "Mr. 1,1 foliar Law's rccent statement at. Belfast tliat the Government bad sold tlio Constitution. (Unionist chcers and angry R shouts from Ministerialists and Nation- ti iilist.i.) Ho challenged Mr. Bonar Law to " say what had the Government sold them- " selves for. j 1 Mr. Bonar Law: Votes! j ( Mr. Asquith:-Was Mr. Bonar Law pre- t( pared to say tho Government had sold ti (heir convictions? ti Mr. Bonar Law: The Government c< haven't any. a "FANTASTIC AND RIDICULOUS." ]J a f. SPEECH BY SIR EDWARD CARSON. r . Sir Edward Carson followed Mr. Asquith. P He said the Government . scheme was |j fantastic, unworkable, and ridiculous. > The talk about devolution all round was n hypocrisy. Tho Bill would place irres- ( ] tibia weapons in tho hands of tho Nation- \ alisls if they demanded separation. It fi also deprived Ulster of the protection 1: of an Executive which was responsible to j; tho British Parliament. Tho Govern- , ment had introduced the Bill when the j Constitution was in suspense, and while .1 the lying preamble of tho Parliament Act 1 was still in abcvance. Tho whole atfair j was a disreputable bargain between tho Government and the Nationalists. Not j one of the guarantees was worth tho f paper on which it was written. Ulster ] would oppose the Bill at every stage. ] I MR, REDMOND APPROVES. 1 SEPARATION" NOT "WANTED. 3 Mr. Redmond said the principle of de- J vclving tho management of local affairs , upon local assemblies was tho founda- i tion of tho Empiro to-day. No com- j munity of white men had ever asked tho right, and had been refused. Tho Nationalists did not want separation, but would stand whero Parnell stood, and , were willing to accept a subordinate Par- < liament as a final settlement. Financially tho Bill was far better than those of 188G oi: 1893. Ho would without hesitation recommend it to tho Irish National Convention. In time it would turn Ireland into a happy and prosperous country. Tho Irish had never been intolerant in religions matters, but he was willing that any safeguard should be inserted to meet Ulster's views. Mr. Redmond quoted Mr. Gavan Duffy's pamphlet upon Australia's experience in support of his view that a nominated Senate was far safer than a Senato elected on a narrow franchise. Ho hinted that the Nationalists desired that tho Land Purchase Act should be controlled by the Irish Legislature. He concluded with au eloquent reference to the spirits of Gladstone and Parnell dominating the historic scene. Incidentally, Mr. Kedmond referred to Sir Edward Carson's argument that if Ireland had the right to Home Rule, Ulster had an equal right, and asked if Sir Edward Carson proposed this. Sir Edwnnl Carson: Will you accept it? Mr. Redmond: I would like a proposal mads first. Mr. Ramsay Mac Donald, Lender of the Labour Party, 6aid a nominated Senate was more democratic than au elected one, as it was far nearer Single-Chamber rule. He welcomed the hint that tho Bill had been drafted with a view to its extension to England, Scotland, and Wales. DANGEFIOUS DUAL CONTROL, MR. O'BRIEN PROMISES SUPPORT. Mr. O'Brien, Leader of the Independent Nationalists, said thht while reserving judgment on the details, he generally approved of tho Bill. If it was accepted as a final settlement it would involve some renunciation of the dreams which the Nationalists had formerly cherished. Ho regretted that the Cabinet had not accepted the recommendation of their own expert committee, which favoured the giving to Ireland of fiscal independence. Apparently, Ireland was to have excise, wliich was exhausted, as the source of its revenue, and the power to deviso new . taxesj but Customs were to bo settled by the Imperial Parliament. Ho was afraid that this dual control of tho Irish purse would not turn out happily. Ho congratulated the Government upon its determination to complete land purchase upon the Imperial credit. If the Irish peoplo accepted the Bill he would give it his loyal support, regardless of narrow sectional interests. Mr. Balfour moved the adjournment.

THE FIGHT FOR HOME RULE.

1 MR. GLADSTONE'S TWO BILLS, HOW THE LIBERAL PARTY WAS SPLIT. Tlio modern Homo Rule movement was 5 inaugurated at a large meeting in Dublin oil May ID, 1870, when Mr. Isaac Butt delivered a speech demanding an Irish ' Parliament, dependent on the Crown, for ' local affairs. Ho soon found himself * with a following of 57 Homo Rule mem- > Ix'rs of Parliament. It was Mr. Parnell who forced the question to the front at L Westminster by tho systematic obstruction of Parliamentary business; and in * Ireland by agitation and agrarian outrage. 5 He becamo leader of tho Nationalist party, who in 1881) numbered BG. Mr. - Gladstone in 1886 determined to deal with * the question, and embodied his proposals in tlio Homo Rule Bill of that year. One of the best accounts of Mr. Gladstone s 2 two Bills and their fate is that given re--5 cently by tho special correspondent of i "The Times." .

THE BILL OF 1886,

POWERS OF THE PARLIAMENT. The Home Rulo Bills for which Sir. Gladstone was responsible, states the correspondent, were both attefupts to find for Ireland a position that should bo a middle term between the existing system of tho Union and the almost completely detached status 'of a. self-governing colony; aud that without resort to tho plan which alone could have made tho intermediate position logical in theory or tenable in practice—tho adoption of a federal polity for tho United Kingdom as a whole. Tho Bill which ho introduced in April, ISBG, provided for the establishment ot a Legislature in Ireland of a very curious pattern. This body was to consist ot two Orders sitting together and voting together also in the usual course; one Order composed of 10; l members, the 28 representative peers, and 75 members elected for a term of ten years by scheduled electoral districts on a .£25 franchise; the other ot 201 members, elected as at present, two l'roni each existing constituency. "'J-' 1 the object of providing a saleguard for the rights of the Irish minority, either Order was to be given the privilege of demanding a separate vote, so that either should by a majority be able to veto tho action of the other. The veto, however, was to be terminated after three years or a dissolution, and the question then to be decided bv a joint vote of tlio two Orders. The new Legislature was to possess nil powers that were not expressly withheld, but Ihe list of exceptions and restrictions was long. All matters of Imperial mtoTst, including defence and naturalisation, trade, and navigation, coinage, copyright aud patents, and the postal and telegraph service outside Ireland, were withdrawn from lis jurisdiction; nnd within the of Ireland it was precluded from est<ibli*hintr or ondowins any religion, imposing dNabililiVs on aVcount of rolijnuus belief. or impairing freedom ot nccoss by nil denominations to school.** in leccipt. of public money. If any provi.-jon ot nn trMi Act seemed lo be ultra v:res the Lord Lieutenant or a Sr<;retar.v of Mntn rnulrj r«fr Y it tlt« M WW Hue pf'tlw Privy Council in Loudon And m

party lo an action in which such a point arose had the 'same right of reference. _ Complex Arrangements. There was, of course, to be an Irish Executive responsible to the Irish Legislature, but the Eoyal Irish Constabulary "while that force"subsisted" was to remain under tile control of (lie Imperial authorities. Tho Irish Legislature was however, to have the power of providing for tho establishment of a local police force under the control of local authorities; and in Iho meantime Ireland was to contribute .1:1,000,0(11) annually to the cost of the Imperial police, the total cose at the time being .Cl,.'ioo,Uoo. Tho financial arrangements \vere complex, but it is only necessary to deal here with tho salient points. Customs and Excise, which represented Ihrcefourths of the Irish revenue, were to be retained under the control of tho Imperial Parliament and (.ioverninent; but. all other taxes were to be under Irish control at once. The Irish share of the National Debt, was taken at .1M5,000,000. and tho contribution to Imperial expenditure, defence, Civil List, and so forth, I was reckoned on the same scalo as onefifteenth part of tho whole, though Parnell had contended strenuously for onotwentielh or one-twenty-first. This would have meant a contribution of about IJJ millions annually, but, if allowance is made for Excise paid in Ireland on liquor and tobacco consumed in Great Britain, Lord Morlcy has calculated that the net contribution would liavo been no more than .£1.85(1,000. The most striking feature of tho Homo Eulo Hill of ISSG was the total exclusion of the Irish members from tho Imperial Parliament except for the purpose of a revision of tho new Constitution. If the new Constitution had been of the pure colonial type this would have been logical enough, but as certain powers commonly granted to the self-governing colonies were withheld from the Irish Legislature—l'or instance, the right to deal with defence, fiscal policy, and naturalisation—tho exclusion of the Irish members deprived Irishmen of all voico in questions that concerned them deeply and placed their country to that extent in the position of a dependency. At the same time, the absence of the Irish members

from 'Westminster gave to tho whole scheme viewed in its Imperial aspect a separatist complexion; and this was one of the main arguments which Mr. Chamberlain pressed in the Cabinet and the overruling of which determined his resignation.

Mr. Chamberlain Resigns. From the day that he resigned the Bill was practically doomed. With all its exceptions and restrictions it was still regarded as a great and revolutionary experiment. The recollection of recent outrages and of Mr. Gladstone's denunciations of them was still fresh in the public mind, and the policy of surrendering Ireland to tiio control of the very men

who had been tho propagandists of disorder was too cynical to bo tolerated. Through the exertions and under tho leadership of Lord Mr. Go.schen, Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Bright, and other prominent men, a large Liberal and Radical secession was organised, and the Bill, after a memorable debate, was rejected on the second reading by 313 against 313, 93 Liberals voting in the majority. Mr. Gladstone met his Cabinet on the following day with a list of twelve reasons for dissolving rather than resigning, and dissolution was the course adopted. An arrangement had been made by which the scat's of seceding Liberals were not to be contested by Conservatives, and in the, result, notwithstanding tho transfer oi tho Irish vote to Mr. Gladstone's side, 31(5 Conservatives were returned with 7-4 Liberal Unionists, tho two together haydiiE a majority of 110 over Homo Kulo Liberals and J'arnellitos combined.

Mr. Gladstone was undismayed, and at the ago of 77 pet out to convert the country to his newly found faith. Lord Salisbury, after offering to servo under Lord Hartington, formed a purely Conservative Ministry; but all Governments dependent on a composite majority are ill a precarious position, and tlio new Government at first did not seem to prosper. When it had existed a few months Lord Randolph Churchill, who had risen by a mcteoric flight to tlio leadership of the House of Commons, capriciously resigned, mid tlio blow at first seemed so serious (hat Lord Salisbury offered to make way for Lord Hartington as Prime Minister. Lord Randolph's place, however, was filled by tlio Liberal Unionist, Mr. Goschen, and tlio difficulty overcomo. The "Plan of Campaign." Then caiuo ail attempt, promoted by Sir William Harcourt, and known as tho Round Table Conference, to bring back Jlr. Chamberlain and his Radical followers to the orthodox Liberal fold, but it ended in failure. Ireland in the meantime was again getting out of hand, Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien having launched in the autumn tho famous l'lan of Campaign, a dcvico by which rents, subject to an abatement fixed by tho tenants themselves, were offered by them in a body as payment in full, and if refused by the landlord handed over to a committee for tho purpose of tho struggle. The turning point came when Mr. Balfour in an auspicious moment was appointed Chief Secretary in succession to Sir Michael Hicks Bench, who had been compelled for reasons of health to relinquish that offico. By his steady and fearless administration in Ireland and his imperturbable demeanour in presenco of the Nationalists in Parliament Mr. Balfour obtained tho mastery in 110 long time of tho forces of disorder, and made himself in the process one of the foremost men in the country.- And when peace had been restored in Ireland, lie turned his attention to Hie material needs of the country, and laid the foundations of that happily named Balfour policy which, continued by his successors under bis guidaneo and inspiration, lias done so much to givo us tho prospering Ireland of to-day. Then come the dramatic episode of the Parnell Commission, followed by the divorce proceedings, which ied to a schism in the Nationalist party, and tlio leader's dethronement and death. If (lie former incident gavo a stimulus to the Home Rule cause, the latter provoked reaction, and the two may thus be said to havo balanced each other. Parnell died in 1891 nnd tho General Election came in the summer of IS!>2. 111 spite of the success of the Conservative Administration in Ireland, the swing of the pendulum destroyed the Unionist majority, and Mr. Gladstone came back to power at the ago of 83, nt the head of his fourth Government. Ho had expected a great victory, but his majority was only 42, even with tho aid of over SO Nationalists, Parnelli'tes comprised.

THE BILL OF 1893,

A SUBORDINATE LEGISLATURE. In tlio session of 18fl.1 lie introduced his second Bill, and, in the faco of many difficulties, succeeded in carrying it through the House of Commons. The steadiness of the small majority was the first notable illustration of that power of party discipline to which wo are now growing accustomed; though it was commonly said at tho time, and probably with truth, that many Liberals would have revolted but for their knowledge of the fact that the House of Lords would do the work they feared to do themselves. The Bill as it left the House of Commons differed in some important respects from the Bill as it had been introduced, and in many still more important from the Bill of 188 G. Tho subordinate character of tlio new Legislature was now emphasised by a declaration that "notwithstanding anything in this Act contained, the supremo power and authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland shall remain unaffected and undiminished over all persons matters, and things within the Queen's dominions." The device of tho two Orders sitting together was abandoned, and there were lo bo two Houses sitting separately— ono a Council of IS elected by large constituencies on a ,£2O franchise for a term of eight years; tho other an Assembly of 103 members elected as at nresent. Questions at issue between the Houses after two years or a. dissolution "ivero to bo decidcd by a joint vote.

The list of exceptions and restrictions was longer and more explicit: than in the previous Hill, and included a disability on the part of the new Legislature to deal with tho land f|iie-tiou for a period of tlire-o years. The arrangement with regard to the police was much tho same as before, hi the matter of finance, 1 lie provisions were less favourable from the Irish point of view than those of IXSII. l.'or a period of six years all exi-ting taxes were to remain under Ihe control of Hie Imperial Parli'inicnl and Government, though I ho Irish Legislature was to have nowers. of ndditirnal faxntiou in niil of jpenjwl rovnliu*. Ouritoinw and Lxr.lsn woi'9 to bo yomstßjHitly. lwycnd iU sur«

view. I'ui' hix .years tho conlribut!on to Imperial oxpvudit ure to be onc-l.u/d ill' the Irish revenue raised oil Jniperi.'ii taxation, after allowance had boon made lor taxes rai-ed in .Ireland on article? consumed in Groat Britain i<nil vie® versa. 'I'llin arrangement, it" is estimated, would havo meant in tho iirsl" year a contribution of over two millions :nnl a ipiaitor, ii good tlt.T 1 more, it will Im> seen, than Iho real contribution of 1880. Ireland was also to iiay her sharp of any special taxation imposed by Parliament for Hie purpose of a war;"and we can imagine the situation that would have arisen under this provision in IS!W. Hut it is now generally admitted that tho financial arrangements altogether would havo proved completely unworkable, and would in no long time havo landed Ireland in bankruptcy. Double Representation. The most remarkable new feature of the Bill of IX!M was the retention of the Irish members to the number of 80 at Westminster. It was felt that their total exclusion in ISSG had proved indefensible, and opinion bail been detinitely setting to- | wards the other solution. All pretence was now Abandoned that a grant of Home Itulo would put an end to the Irish question, even to tho extent of withdrawing from tho daily contemplation of (he Parliament at Westminster, and so enabling that Parliament to bury its bead in the sand. Jn the .second Bill as introduced, in order to avoid the anomaly of allowing the Irish to meddle in the affairs of Kngland and Scotland while Englishmen and Scotsmen were debarred from meddling in theirs, the Irish members were to be retained for Imperial purposes only. But this, which came to bo known as the "In and Out" arrangement, still left the paradox that the ("lovernmcnt which was the local executive for Great Britain would 1» at tho mercy of Irish votes; and the plan of making the Imperial Parliament at once the supremo and a subordinate legislature in a federal system proved so ludicrous when examined that it was Abandoned in Committee amid general laughter. The SO Irish members were retained for all purposes, in spite of the paradoxes and anomalies which this course involved. Rejected fiy the Lords. Everybody (concludes "The Times correspondent) knew that this fantastip Constitution had no chance of survival. Feeling in Ulster had been running higher, if possible, than in 1886, and the province was organised for resistance if tho need should arise; but oven apart from the opposition of Ulster and the Irish Unionists, the sclicmo was condemned in advance. There was a certain an of unreality about the wholo proceedings, and on the side of tho Bill probably lie one but Mr. Gladstone was very much in earnest. When tho Bill went to tin House of Lords it was at once rejected oi: the second reading by an enormous jim jority. Mr. Gladstono we now know was anxious to take up the challenge throwi down by tho House of Lords, and to dis solve Parliament at once, but the grea majority of his colleagues, showed a true: appreciation of the temper of the public and, his wishes being overruled, lie, af!e: an interval, withdrew. Under Tion Rosebery as Prime Minister the Lilwral struggled on for another twelvo month? tho new leader beginning liis career b; promulgating the doctrine that Horn Pule was imnossible till the predominan partner should ho converted, .a conditio] it may bo noted, which has not vet bee fulfilled. "When tho Dissolution fmall came in 1895 tlio action of the Honso r Lords was ratified by a groat majoritj and tlio first Home Rule slruggb cam to an end. It had lasted, like the wo of Trov, if we reckon from the Gener; Election of 1885 to that of 1595, for peri oil of ten years.