THE WAR CLOUD.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1192, 29 July 1911, Page 5

THE WAR CLOUD.

MORE GERMAN THREATS. BRITISH RIGHTS ASSERTED. MR.ASQUITH ON THE MOROCCAN SITUATION, SOLID OPPOSITION SUPPORT. By Tclcsraph—Press Association-Copyrieht (Rcc. July 28, 11.5 p.m.) London, July 28. The Prime Minister, Mr. A.«quilh, made his promised statement on tho Moroccan situation iu tho House of Commons.

Mr. Asqiiith declared that tho situation had reached a point at which it. becaino difficult and harassing unless a solutiou was found. A too closo analysis of tho causes of the present incident might provoke recrimination, and he would earnestly appeal to the House not to ask him to enter into further details at present.

Tho question of Morocco bristled with difficulties, but in other parts of West Africa Great Britain could not think of interfering with the existing territorial arrangements, which she considered reasonable as among those directly interested.

British Rights. Any statement that Great Britain had prejudiced the negotiations between Franco and Germany, tho Prime Minister declared to be a mischievous invention. It would have been a grave mistake to let tho situation drift until the assertion of British interests would have caused surprise and resentment. The Government had thought it right in tho beginning to make it clear that, failing a settlement, they must become en active party in the discussion. This might be a British obligation under the Anglo-French Agreement of 1901; and it might faa their duty in defence of British interests directly affected. Mr. Asquith, in concluding, said he hoped his own statement in the House of Commons threo weeks ago, together with Mr. Lloyd-George's recent speech at the Mansion House, had made it perfectly clear that Great Britain claimed no predominant or pre-eminent position in Morocco, but claimed the position of a party interested in seeing a solution of tho present difficulties. ' Opposition Attitude, Mr. Balfour, Leader of tho Opposition, who had previously been in consultation with Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of Stato for Foreign Affairs, emphasised tho nonparty attitude of 'the country towards the question, and said: "Any critics who havo counted upon our absorption in our home disputes making it easy for them to wipe us out of tho map of Europo because wo havo difficulties at homo havo utterly mistaken the temper of tho British people and the patriotism of tho Opposition."

Labour Party and Peace. Mr. Rarusay Mac Donald, Leader of the Labour party, declared that tho forces of organised labour in all countries would stand for peace in fair and foul weather. He was sorry Mr. Lloyd-Georgo had mado tho Mansion Houso speech—(Opposition cries of "No!")—because tho statement should have been made through private channels. Ho was not against private negotiations when tho public was absolutely powerless to influence tho direction of tho negotiations in< tho'.matter under consideration. The Labour party would cooperato with tho Labour organisations of Germany and Franco to the last moment in the interests of peace.

"If the path of peace is wrecked at tho present moment, wo shall stand by peace after it hns been wrecked," declared Mr. Mac Donald in conclusion.

CERMANY TRUCULENT. "WANTON AND FRIVOLOUS INTERFERENCE." A BELLICOSE COMMUNIQUE. (Eec. July 28, 5.5 p.m.) Berlin, July 28. An inspired bellicose communique has been published in the "Lokal Anzeigcr " It declares that Germany is indisposed to tolerate- wanton and frivolous interference, and issues a warning of "Hands off", to the too impertinent disturbers of peace. The phrase is much quoted, as recalling Mr. Gladstone's warning to Austria regarding the occupation of Bosnia in 1878. READY TO PICK UP THE GLOVE, LET LONDON BEWARE. Berlin, July 27. Tho German newspapers have become increasingly truculent in regard to the situation in Morocco. They declare that Germany is ready to pick up tho glove, and any attempt to hold her in will lead to catastrophe. The "Cologne Gazette," a semi-official orgau, soys the German peoplo aro not disposed to allow themselves to be violated by foreign Powers. "Let them beware in London and Paris," adds tho "Gazette." KAISER RETURNING HOME. Berlin, July 28. Tho Kaiser has curtailed his Norwegian cruise, ami will return to Swinemunue, a German port on the Baltic, to-morrow to consult his Ministers.

GERMANY'S CHANCE. "THE TRACK CLEAR" FOR A POLICY OF AGGRESSION. In a remarkably frank article in the ultra-Conservative Berlin "Post in January last, an inspired writer with the pseudonym of "Silesius" summarisfd the international conditions which justify Germany engaging forthwith in a "determined policy of expansion." The "Post" explained that "Silesius was an "officer of high rank, who, in consequence- of his connections, is well informed of the sentiments prevailing in responsible quarters." The writers remarks arc particularly interesting in rns light of the developments during the past six months. He snid:— , . "In Eneland tho most incorrigible enemies of Germany, Hip Unionists, hove suffered a palpable election defeat. The liiberal Cabinet is intrenched more strnnVly than ever, which denotes a certain, if pcrhnre only a temporary, guarantee cf a peaceful Kmrl ; «h policy. Enorland, 100, for the immediate future will ho sufficiently preoccupied with domestic problems. , , "Of tho mo=t decisive imiwtance also is Rutin's new attitude, a= expressed at the Votsdirn entroviie. This atlitiide denotes that although Eu's'n remains Kval to (ho defensive alliance with Vi-nnco, she is not. available for Hie gratification of French 'revanche' ambitions or for Hie. encircliii'r iiitnntions of England. As long as Flip Tsar is on the throne we can continue to count upon a peaceful Russian pr-licy. I'ranee alone would hardly risk a sfruggle with us. "Therefore the truck is clear for an active German policy, which will, at loasl to a certain extent, find sturdy support in the rostrongthenod Triple Alliance and the powerful New Turkey. Will the new leaders of our foreign policy understand how to exploit this favourable position to fortify our status in Europe and on Hip world-stage audio extend the domain of our power? Away with the deceptive myth of (he open door'! It is nothing but n mask for political weakness, for which, ITeayen knows, there is no occasion in a warlike nation of sixty-five millions, with a re-spect-commanding Army and a rapidly.

growing fleet; a nation which i=, more, over, the bej-t-nliicjited in the world.

"\Vp lunj-t cither create now territory or oiilaijfi.' our industry sufficiently to emplay our population. Hut Iho 'open door' cannot tecuro us the required new innrkeis. Only colonies of our own will afford suro"markets and fields for colonisation. What would England lie to-day if she did not posKv-s India and Egypt—countries which arc com polled to buy English wares without being permitted to produce themselves! , "What wo need—lot us speak plainly— is a determined oxpauroon policy. Wemust endeavom , to extend our dominating political influence and to expand our colonial realm, and to do that we must further strengthen our position on tho European Continent and on the oceans." The writer concluded with tho gratifying conviction that Ho.rr von KiderlcnWaeclitcr, the now arbiter of Gorman foreign policy, appeared thoroughly disposed to exploit, the opportunities of tho hour. "Our Foreign Office," he said, "has revealed itself active and determined in the Turkish and Hungarian loans, and the French excesses in Morocco were opposed with resolute energy. It has been shown that wo do not need to pursue a war policy, but only such a one. as is determined to enforce our political will even in tho face of hostile opposition, and, if necessary, with arms."

ANGLO-FRENCH RELATIONS. IS THERE A SECRET CONVENTION? There has been some question from time to time whether the understanding arrived at between Great Britain and France in 19U1- included a secret military convention. By tho Anglo-French Agreement, signed on April i of that year, all tho outstanding territorial questions between the two Powers wero settled, or bases for settlement wero agreed upon. Tho Agreement provided that the existing political' status of Egypt and of Morocco were to remain unchanged. France officially recognised the British occupation of Egypt, and in return Britain recognised France's predominating interests in Morocco, and agreed not to obstruct her in maintaining order in that countrv.

After the Kaiser's dramatic intervention at Tangier in 1005 came tho assertion of German interests in Morocco and the Algeciras Conference, at which Franco sought to maintain unimpaired the position, of predominance in Morocco she had obtained by the Anglo-French Agreement, and Germany sought to reduce it, a compromise being finally agreed upon after an international rupture had been barely averted. Speaking in tho French Chamber on February 2 last with regard to Anglo--I'rench relations in Morocco, SI. Pichon, the then Foreign Minister, said:—" "It is singular to assert that the entente with England is unproductive and that conversations with England on military questions have ceased. What do you know about it? Tho work of diplomacy is not conducted in the market place. The English journals which publish articles similar to thoso which liavo recently appeared (in certain sections of the French press) are in an extremely small minority. The Eutento Cordialo has never been more comploto and moi'o productive than it is to-dav."

Is the Understanding Definite? Much comment was nroused by this statement, and M. Hanolaux, a former French Foreign Minister and a distinguished historian, declared in an articlo winch attracted wide attention in France: "Tho time has conio to speak. Tho nations must learn the truth, and the sooner tho belter. They ums.t .kuow what the secret drawers of (he Triple Entente contain. Yes or no; do thero exist former engagements between the threo Powers, England, Fraucc, and Russia? Yes or no; are tho threo policies tied? Yes or no; has the entente precise- objects in view? Yes or no!"

Proceeding with his argument, M. Hanotaux asked whether, in tho event of a conflict, tho mainspring of the so-called "Triple Entente" will work. What were the eventualities provided for in this triple understanding? "If ono Power acts on its own initiative or for its own interests, docs it implicate the others, and, if it releases itself, is the union effective? Whether in, Morocco or Persia, the question remains the same. How far does tho scope: of this ample and vague combination extend fjeographically and militarily, and whore does it slop? Docs it cover the world or does it stop at the limits of our little Europe? Here it is not a question of a mere hypothesis, of on eventuality moro or less far distant. We nro in the presence of precise facts. Tho Potsdam interviews have created in tho opinion of ovryono such a situation that one is obliged to ask whether Russia has broken the pact of tho 'Triple Entente , by entering into negotiations which are all tho moro important in that they are still going on."