AN INSPIRING GATHERING.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1173, 7 July 1911, Page 6

AN INSPIRING GATHERING.

A monster audience of between 2000 and 3000 greeted the Leader of the Reform party, Mr. W. F. Massey, at the Town Hall last evening. At eight o'clock almost every seat in the body of the hall was filled. Included in the great assembly were a number of ladies—an indication of the far -reaching interest in the recent energetic Work of the Reform party. Some few of the audience were there to interrupt -this was evident from the outset, but their interruptions were rather an assistance to the speaker than otherwise. On, the platform was a large gathering of the Reform party, representatives who have gathered in Wellington in connection with a conference of the party. Among those present were the following: —Messrs. Hine (Stratford), Fraser (Wakatipu}, Mander (Whangarei), Anderson (Mataura), Malcolm; (Clutha), Hardy (Selwyn), Buick (Palmerston North), Fisher (Wellington Central), Wright (Wellington South), Guthrie (Oroua), Nosworthy (Ashburton), Buchanan (Wairarapa), Herries (Tauranga), and Herdman (Wellington North). The following gentlemen, who will be candidates (in addition to sitting members) at the coming, elections were also present, and occupied seats on the platform Messrs. F.H. Smith, (Waitaki), C. A. W. Monckton (Otaki), (G. Wilkinson (Bay of Islands), J. Boddie (Taumaranui), D. S. M'Farlane (Hurunui), Williams (Wellington Suburbs), F. F. Hockly (Rangitikei), and A. H. Herbert (Masterton), and Dr. Newman (Wellington East). Mrs. Newman and Mrs. A. H. Miles were also on the platform. A great ovation greeted Mr. Massey when he appeared, with his party, on the platform. The applause continued for over a minute. Whatever political feeling there might have been in the audience Mr. Massey's personal popularity was strikingly apparent. The chair was occupied by the ActingMayor (Councillor J. Smith). Mr. Massey was in capital fighting form, and had a highly appreciative audience quick to seize, his points and emphasise them with applause. There was a small section of noisy electors who at one time seemed likely to make it difficult for the speaker to get a fair hearing, but they were few in number, and Mr. Massey's good humour, determination, and power of repartee, backed by the good sense of the meeting as a whole, made them powerless to do anything worse than cause a little annoyance. The speech covered a great deal of ground. Devoted mainly to the exposition of the party's programme, of reform, it necessarily entered with some detail into questions of finance, land tenure, Native lands, the Upper House, the Civil Service, local government, and industrial and social legislation. Mr. Massey, however, found time to reply to the latest remarks of Sir James Carroll, as well as to show cause for an inquiry, into the Mokau land transactions, and give a light comedy sketch of the personnel of the Ministry. A passage which obviously struck deeply into the mind of the meeting was that in which he referred to circumstances which have caused grave public uneasiness in connection with the administration of justice.

WELLINGTON'S GOOD EXAMPLE. Mr. Massey on rising to speak, was received with long and loud applause, which was frequently renewed as he, proceeded with his address. He thanked the audience for the hearty reception accorded to him and expressed his pleasure at seeing so large a gathering of the citizens of Wellington. He took this partly as a compliment to himself and his party, and partly as a sign of an interest in policies which he was very glad to see. (Ap-

HOW THE ADDRESS WAS RECEIVED,

STRONG RESOLUTION PASSED.

THE SPEECH.

plause.) This was the first time he had had an opportunity of speaking to the people of Wellington in their own hall, and he recognised that he was speaking to people who knew more about politics than those of any other city in New Zealand. That was because the Legislature and the Administration were constantly under their observation, and this latter circumstance was what accounted for the fact that Wellington seldom returned a Government supporter to Parliament. (Applause.) He would be very glad indeed when the other cities followed the example. A voice: They will in time! Mr. Massey: They will be all right by and by. (Applause.) Mr. Massey referred to the increase in the ranks of the Reform Party at last election, characterising the members who were returned to support him as men who had no axes to grind, and who put the interests of the country before the interests of their party or themselves. He sincerely hoped that the people would greatly increase that party in Parliament at the very next opportunity. (Applause.) He was here because there was an election approaching, and the issues should be clearly put before the people of the country. The people had asked the Government to put forward a policy, but they had not done so, because they could not. They had no policy. The people had therefore called on the Opposition to put forward their platform, and he was there that night for that particular purpose. (Applause.) The system of government in this country had been built up to assist the party that happened to be in power. The present Government had been in office so long that many and serious abuses had grown up. These abuses required to be promptly and effectively remedied, and he purposed to show how he intended to do this, if given the opportunity. The Need for Change. Continuing, Mr. Massey said that in a democratic country no party should remain in office continuously for more than a very few years. It was good for any Government to have before it all the time the fear that the other fellows might come along in a few months or years and have a look in the pigeon-holes. Had such been the case in this country, the administration of affairs would have been very much better than it had been during the last few years. Coming to the Reform Party's platform, Mr. Massey read the first two "planks"—financial reform and reduction of taxation (as printed in full above). These two planks he would take together. The increase of the public debt should, be kept down in proportion with the increase of population, and if that were done it would not be necessary to increase the taxation as had been done. In 1894, the public debt was £57 8s. 10d. per head of population; in 1910 it was £72 13s. 9d., an increase of £14 4s. 11d. per head. In Australia, the average was only £58 5s. 9d. per head. About twenty years ago, in a time of severe depression, Sir Harry Atkinson's Government was defeated, and Mr. John Ballance was called on to take his place. (Applause.) He was glad people, still appreciated Mr. Ballance's services to the country. He put forward the non-borrow-ing, self-reliant policy, but since his time the public indebtedness had increased more and more rapidly. Taking it at intervals of five years, beginning from 1891, they would find that in the first of those periods our indebtedness increased by 4 1/2 millions sterling; during the second five years by 6 1/2 millions; during the third by 12 1/2 millions; and now during the last five years the increase was 181 millions. During last year alone the public debt was increased by no less than 111 million pounds. (Noise and cries of "Order.")

Extra Taxation Last Year. Mr. Massey, proceeding, said that last year over a million extra was taken from the pockets of the people by taxation as compared with the previous year. During the last five years the increase

of the cost of government had been over two millions, or between £400,000 and £500,000 a year. So far as arrivals and departures were concerned, the population was barely holding its own. The figures for the last six months were not available, but taking the previous six mouths the loss at the port of Auckland alone, he saw in the papers was 2,775, by excess of departures over arrivals. That was not creditable to the Government which had been in power for the last twenty years. Sir James Carroll had said in the south that 76 per cent. of the debt was represented by assets and producing interest, yet official documents showed that il was only 63 per cent. There was, therefore, a deficiency of 37 per cent. How was the interest on that made up?

A voice: Borrowing. Mr. Massey said that, was not so. They could not borrow for the purposes of the Consolidated Fund. There was only one way of making up that interest, and that way was taxation. Uproar on the part of a small section of the audience, during which the chairman again appealed for order. Mr. Massey: There is an individual in the front now who looks as if he had escaped from an establishment up the line. (Laughter and applause.) I ask him to be quiet, otherwise it will be necessary to ask someone else to put him outside. (Applause.) BORROWING. A SOUND POSITION ABANDONED. Continuing, Mr. Massey said he was not there to say that it was possible to do without borrowing. Nobody who knew anything about the country would say that. He advocated moderate borrowing. The Opposition might be blamed for not voting against the different loan proposals, but the fact was that they could not get the information as to what was proposed. Until the last year or two it was the practice of the Government to make up its mind as to what was required and what it could safely borrow without injuring our credit, and then to submit proposals to Parliament. The late Mr. Seddon and other Premiers so far back, as he could remember had done this, but the practice had been abandoned. Sir Joseph Ward said on one occasion that the Government ought not to be pressed to increase the amount it was then borrowing, and if a larger sum was suggested for expenditure it could only be done by adding largely to the amount of borrowed money, which any sensible man not steeped to the eyes in political prejudice must see could not safely be done. Sir Joseph Ward made that statement on June 30 of last year, and the principle underlying it was quite sound. It meant that we ought not to borrow this year more than we had borrowed in the previous year. Well, we borrowed last year 3 1/2 millions, and this year 6 1/2 millions. Probably this was due to the fact that this was election year, and the money was wanted to buy votes. Everyone knew of the wasteful expenditure in connection with the public affairs of this country. (Applause.) A Secretive Treasurer. Another new departure called for notice. Every Treasurer in the past had submitted full details as to the costs of loans. Yet nobody outside Cabinet knew what the five-million loan of last year cost us, nor what had been the cost of all the loans of the past four years. Was that a fair position? ' ("No, no."') All that the Prime Minister told them in the House about the five-million loan was that the underwriting cost £50,000. A front bench Opposition member moved:— "That particulars of the terms on which loans are floated, together with all costs and expenses of raising the same, be laid before Parliament within twelve months of the floating of the loan." The Government did not agree to that proposal. ("Shame!") It was defeated by 45 to 27. After that, Mr. Herdman—(much applause)—moved that the particulars should be given to Parliament within two years of the floating of the loan, and that was defeated by almost the same majority. Why should there be all this secrecy? It was bound to breed suspicion. If there was nothing wrong, why not give the details? If there was anything wrong, the public ought to know about it. The Opposition asked for the adoption of the Canadian system of laying before Parliament every year a big return showing every payment made by the Government and to whom. (Applause.) "We want you," exclaimed Mr. Massey, "to help us to get that return and all the details to which you are entitled." (Applause.) The Cost of Living. Next, Mr. Massey spoke of the need for a reform of the fiscal system by reducing taxation wherever possible, in order to reduce the cost of living. The increases of the death duties must have yielded much more than the £150,000 which was estimated, and these duties fell on the poor as well as the rich. In one instance, a man had died leaving his whole estate of less than £100 to the people who had cared for him during illness, and £l7 was charged against it in death duties. Gifts of money were similarly taxed. If a man gave his son £500 to start in business, or gave his daughter £500 on her marriage, he had to pay a duty on it. Surtax on tobacco had been fixed to be collected up to March 31 last. He moved to abolish it earlier, as trade had improved, and it was no longer needed, but the Government hung on to the tax to the last day. There was also increased taxation on banks, and the raising of railway fares. In regard to taxation who was the man who paid? Take the income tax. The man who paid that tax was not the big man. He drew the cheque in the first instance. But what happened? He wrote the cheque, but ultimately the payment of the money went back to the working people of the country and to the producers. They might tax any individual or section of the community, but any particular tax found its way back to the rank and file of the people. (Applause.) He thoroughly agreed with the suggestion that had been handed up to him, namely, that they should reduce taxation. No country ever prospered with increase of taxation. They had in this country been increasing taxation during the last few years to a large and unnecessary extent, and that taxation had to be paid by the workers and producers of the country. It was just about time they put a stop to that instead of looking around for something else to tax, as the Government did. It was time they had some party in power that would make the burdens lighter than the people of the country had to bear. (Applause.) THE LAND QUESTION. OPPOSITION'S POLICY. Now he came to the land question, and that was one of the most difficult questions they had to deal with. He knew, of course, that he was going to express opinions which some people present would not agree with. He knew that there was plenty of room for difference of opinion in connection with the land question. But let him tell them this: He had known people, come from the towns and go into the out districts of Taranaki and Auckland, and some of those people held theories with respect to the leasehold and land nationalisation, and other views on that question. Those persons started work on the land, but before very long, when they began to make their improvements on their sections, they began to consider what form of tenure would give them the best results for their labour. It was not Iong before they came to the conclusion that the only form of tenure that was good for them was the option of the freehold. (Loud applause.) A man could not exercise the same energy-he could not face his difficulties on the land with the same cheerful spirit if there was any doubt in his mind about (he tenure of his land. "You have got to give the settlers on the land of this country—and in many cases it is only second and third-class land—absolutely secure tenure." (Applause.)

The. Leasehold: A Stepping-Stone. The platform of his party in regard to the land question provided, first for a reform of the land system, "by giving all facilities possible to men of small capital to get on the land by means of the leasehold, as a stepping-stone to the freehold if they so desire it." If a man was satisfied with the leasehold, by all means let him have it; but what they said was this: If when a man became possessed of sufficient financial ability to acquire the freehold, it was in his own

interests, and in the interests of the State that he should have the opportunity of doing so. The second part of their land policy was this: "By giving the option of the freehold to tenants of Crown lands at L.i.p. at the original value, plus the difference between the rental on file o.r.p. and L.i.p."; also, "by giving the option of freehold to tenants on settlement land or L.i.p. at the original value." In the case of a man who had a lease-in-perpetuity for 999 years, why not give him an opportunity to pay off the capital value, and so reduce the amount of money that the country had to borrow in acquiring land for settlement? Surely that was good business? Every business man in the hall that night must agree with him in respect to that. He believed it would be a good financial transaction if they allowed those people to pay off the capital value. (Applause.) They were complaining just now that the country was borrowing too much. They were borrowing £500,000 per annum for this purpose. That money was expended in the purchase of land, and then we borrowed £500,000 more. He desired to call attention to this very serious fact that the ownership of the land was passing away from the people of this country at the rate of £500,000 a year. Did they not want the ownership of the land to remain in the hands of the citizens of this country? If they did wish that, then they should give the people the opportunity of paying off the capital value, and then the country would be saved from borrowing £500,000 per annum. Limitation of Area. Another part of their platform with respect to reform of the land system was "by providing for limitation of area, to effectually prevent aggregation." He did not think that wanted any explanation. His party wanted to make it perfectly clear that by law no aggregation would be possible: that when once land was subdivided it would never go back into large estates. They wanted to make finite certain of that, and therefore they put it in their platform. They also proposed reform in the land system "by providing for the payment of the purchase money in instalments, if so desired by the tenant." They did not propose to ask a man to wait until he had got all the money. That surely was a fair, thing, and he did not think there would be any objection to that. Acquisition of Further Land. Another, proposal in respect to land settlement was "to provide that the money derived from the sale of the freehold be utilised for the acquisition of further land for settlement." That meant this: That when they sold Crown land, and the sale of Crown land was going on all the time, and speaking from memory they parted with 60,000 acres of Crown land last year, when that land was parted with the money received for it became part of the ordinary revenue of the country. That was wrong. Instead of becoming part of the ordinary revenue it should be paid into a fund for the purpose of purchasing other land, because it was really the capital of the country. Was not that a fair proposal? (Loud cheers.) That was the policy of the Reform party boiled down. He had put it in as few words as it was possible for him to do, and he felt perfectly certain that a large majority of the people would agree with him that it was a good land policy. Prosperity: What it Depends Upon. Those present would agree with him that far too large a proportion of the people of the Dominion were residents in the towns. The country did not feel it so long as times were good and they were receiving good prices for their produce; but if depression ever came along then they would feel it. The only way to avoid that trouble—and there was going to be trouble unless there was a change— was to give every opportunity to the people to get on the land, and increase the number of producers, remembering that every settler who became a producer provided a living for a corresponding number of people in the cities. (Applause.) The prosperity of the Dominion depended almost entirely upon the prosperity of the agricultural population, and if they were going to do what was right with respect to the agricultural population, they must deal with the revenue in the way he had indicated. NATIVE LANDS. URGENT NEED TOR ACTION. Now he came to another plank in their policy, and it was this: "Reform of the Native land legislation." No more important business could occupy the time and attention of the Parliament and people of the country than the settlement of the Native land question. (Applause.) He had been going round the country a good deal during the present recess, and in the north of Auckland and in parts of the King Country he had seen huge blocks of land lying still just as the Creator left them. Those lands were producing nothing. They were lying idle, awaiting the expenditure of public money upon them for roads and bridges. On the other hand, he had seen large blocks of Native land deteriorating in value, and now perfectly useless on account of the spread of noxious weeds upon them. That sort of thing should be stopped. It was an unfortunate fact that large numbers of people were leaving the country. He noticed in a paper the other day a statement that there was hardly a family in Taranaki that did not have a member of it or a relative that had left for Australia and settled there. Large areas of Native land had never contributed a copper of taxation—had not contributed- anything to the revenue of the country, had contributed nothing to the rates of local bodies or for purposes of the hospital or charitable aid. Those, lands did not pay taxation as European-owned land did. Many of the Natives under the existing conditions were not likely to become useful citizens of this country. He did not know that it was necessary to quote figures, but he could prove that four million acres of Native land was now lying idle— land that ought to be cut up and made available for settlement. Different suggestions had been made with respect to the settlement of Native land. One was that the land should be handed over to the Public Trustee, and be leased to Europeans for the benefit of the Natives. He did not quite agree with that, and certain of the Natives themselves did not agree with it. One suggestion—the best he had heard—was made by an intelligent and educated Native. Ho said the Natives wanted to be put in the same position as the Europeans: that a Native who had been educated, say, past the fourth standard should have an opportunity of going before a tribunal and be given, under certain safeguards, all the rights of a European with respect to dealing with his land. That view was endorsed by a large number of Europeans, and he thought it would be a good thing if it was brought into operation. He knew that there were difficulties in the way, because there were some blocks of land in which there were hundreds of owners. Saving the Native People. The Reform party said that the present state of things could not go on any longer. Many of the Natives were sick and tired of it themselves. Many Natives wanted to improve their position in life. In such cases, let them utilise their land and become farmers and settlers; and, if they could not make use of it let it be made available for European settlers on terms fair and just to the Native people. (Loud applause.) They wanted to save the Native people and they were worth being saved. If they were going to be saved it would he by the gospel of work, and not by the gospel of idleness and taihoa, of which Sir James Carroll was so able an exponent. (Applause.) He did not think it was necessary for him to read the whole of the platform, but there was one point he would like to refer to and that was: They wanted to prevent in connection with the Natives the aggregation of large estates. LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL. HOW IT SHOULD BE REFORMED. The next point was one that appealed perhaps more to Wellington than to other towns, and that was reform of the Legislative Council. (Applause.) A Wellington audience did not need to be told what the position of the Legislative Council was in this country, or how much reform was needed in connection with that Chamber. If reform was necessary in the House of Lords, it was twenty times more necessary in the case of our Legislative Council. (Applause.) The system of appoint-

ment for a term of seven years was unsatisfactory, for it had been shown that although a man might be independent when appointed, yet in the course of two or three years he lost his independence, and became a subservient supporter of the party in power. What they wanted was to democratise the members of the Legislative Council. He could not understand any country allowing such a body to make laws—a body not elected by the people themselves. (Applause.) On behalf of his party he suggested reform of the Legislative Council by replacing the present nominative Council with one elected on the same franchise as the House of Representatives on the proportional system of voting by larger electorates. The electorates should be large, not less than twenty, returning two members each. That would give 40 members, as compared with 80 members in the House of Representatives, and they should have a six years' term. An objection that had been raised was that a poor man could not canvass such large electorates. He did not want canvassing at all. Under that system they would have men returned in whom the public would have confidence. They did not want, as at present, men who could buy the position or be appointed simply because they put £10,000 or £20,000 into a paper which supported the Government. (Loud applause.) That was what happened now. The Public Service. Reform was required in connection with the public service. Reform was required on account of the system of appointment. What he objected to was appointment by political influence. (Applause.) In spite of the present wretched system of appointment, he was glad to be able to acknowledge the fact that the service contained a large number of able officers who were a credit to the country. Compared with Canada and some other countries we were about fifty years behind the times in respect to our Civil Service system. "We want," said the speaker, "to do away with "this wretched system of nepotism and favouritism which obtains here." It ought to be as possible for the son or daughter of a worker on the wharf to be appointed to the service, which should be by merit, as it was for the son or daughter of a Minister of the Crown or member of Parliament. (Applause.) Local Government. His party proposed a reform of local government in the rural districts of the Dominion by giving extended powers and assured finance, thus making it unnecessary for them to depend to the same extent as at present on the wasteful and unsatisfactory system of Parliamentary grants for public works. Mr. Massey alluded to the construction of the duplicate railway line from Wellington to the Hutt, and the various estimates— increasing from time to time—given by the Government. The Government first asked for £100,000, and the line ultimately cost £335,000. He did not object to the work: he supported it. Then they first asked for £130,000 for the Dunedin— Mosgiel line, and they had expended upon it £500,000, and it was not finished yet. When that sort of thing was going on there must be something seriously wrong. He condemned in the strongest terms the present system of voting money for public works—members really did not know what they were voting for. It was a huge farce, and they might just as well admit it. The remedy was a Local Government Act, and assured finance for the local bodies. It was not a question of higher polities or the good of the country at present, but simply who could get the most money for his district. That was what politics had come to in this country. (Applause.) The only way to stop the present unsatisfactory system was to bring down a comprehensive Local Government Act. They proposed to reform the municipal legislation of the Dominion by promoting a town-planning scheme to meet the future requirements of the towns of the Dominion. There would in the future probably be a population of twenty millions in this country. We ought now to go in for a system of town-planning. Mr. Massey advocated reform of the Old Age Pension Act. by making the qualifying age for the pension for women sixty years instead of sixty-five years. Economic Reform. One of the reasons the Public Debt was mounting up was because the Government had got the idea that, they should control the whole of the financial operations of the country, that local bodies and private individuals should go to the Government for their money. What was necessary was to endeavour, in every way to inspire confidence amongst people inside as well as outside the Dominion. He said that papers coming to hand from London reported that large quantities of money was going to other colonies for investment, but little to New Zealand. The balance-sheet of the Bank of New Zealand a few days ago showed that a very large amount of money went away from New Zealand for investment. It was, therefore, obvious that confidence in our financial position, both outside and inside the Dominion, required to be re-establish-ed. In England and Germany there were schemes for insurance-against sickness and a partial scheme of insurance against unemployment in case of certain industries. Surely what these countries could do we of democratic New Zealand could do. (Hear, hear.) He and his party were quite willing to take the lead and place a scheme on the Statute Book to provide for insurance against sickness as far as the workmen were concerned; and for unemployment as far as, it was possible. (Loud applause.) A voice: "That beats Ward!" "OUR PLATFORM." WHERE IS THEIRS? "Now," said Mr. Massey, "that is the platform of the party with which I am connected. Where is the Government's?". (A voice: They haven't one!) "If they haven't got one, why, of course, they will take ours. (Laughter.) It is the most liberal and democratic platform ever put forward by a political party in this country." (Loud applause.). He did not say their colours were nailed to the mast. They didn't need to be. But they would fly over men who had principles to stand by, and who would in the future endeavour to place them on the Statute Books of the country. (Loud applause.) " Encroachments of the Executive. Mr. Massey referred to the increasing powers of the executive. Lately the country had been practically ruled by the Executive, instead of by the representatives of the people. Someone had mentioned the case of the Dreadnought. That was a case of the Executive—(interruptions). "I am as great an Imperialist as anyone in the country," said Mr. Massey. (Applause.) It was he who had suggested the advisableness of increasing the navy subsidy, and he was the first to move in the matter of compulsory training. (Loud applause.) In that, however, he would rather give credit to his colleague, Mr. James Allen. — and further interruptions.) But regarding the Executive control: In the Customs, for instance, there were certain, articles which the Minister was to say were dutiable or not. Was not this taxation without the consent of the people? (Hear, hear.) Diverting the Public Money. Then again Parliament passed money for public works, but instead of it being utilised for specific purposes it could be spent in any province in the country, and this was being done, repeatedly. Salaries of Judges, the Auditor-General, and certain other officers were fixed by Act of Parliament. But the Public Revenues Act. said that a vote on the Estimates was sufficient. Sometimes such a vote would go through in the early hours of the morning. And thus these things went on. He didn't need to tell them about ''the Government advertising business." There wasn't time. He also had no time to deal with the Government policy. In America the premier had said their policy was to ask the people what they wanted, and then to give it them; and to stick in office as long as they could. (Applause.) They had backed down over the land question and the Government House at Auckland. It was their duty to state their policy, and stand or fall by it. (Loud applause.) He believed the country would have more respect for a Government taking up that position, than for a Government whose policy was as though it were a weather cock. (Applause.) Our New Nobility. Referring to the lately-conferred titles, Mr. Massey said he would exclude the Speaker of the House and Sir Joshua Williams from his remarks, except to

congratulate them; but the case of the other titles was amusing. (Applause.) The people who. took these titles were just as anxious to join what they called the aristocracy—if only a colonial aristocracy—loud laughter and applause)— as anxious as Aesop's Jackdaw. (Loud laughter.) They could have their titles as far as he was concerned, but what was the serious side of it? If titles were to be conferred in this way Imperial honours would be held in contempt— in much the same way that Justices of the Peace were created lor services rendered; or appointments were made to the Legislative Council —to give people a chance, who could not secure the confidence of the people to get elected to the House of Representatives. (Loud applause.) He made amusing allusions to the titles that would be next conferred upon the other Ministers. Next Year. Mr. Massey wanted to impress on the people the necessity for assisting themselves. Next election he hoped they would return men of ability and integrity, who would put the interest of country before that of self. (Applause.) At one time Liberalism was a grand word. It meant, the protection of the weak, the complete and absolute independence of the law Courts. What did it mean to-day? To pander to the welfare of men who happened to be at the head of affairs for the time being; piling up the taxation and the cost of living; waste and extravagance; banishment to those who dared to assert his independence or criticise the Government. "I ask the Government supporters to tell me what is the policy of the Government. There is silence; they can't do it!" (Loud applause.). (A voice: "Humbugs.") THE JUDICIARY. "AN OPEN-COURT AND AN INDEPENDENT BENCH." The "New Zealand Times," in a series of questions, had asked him what he would do with the judiciary. It was a question which the "Times" had better keep quiet. His answer was this: "We want an open Court and an independent Bench" (Lengthy applause.) He would be in favour of paying the Judges of the Supreme Court salaries that were commensurate with their responsible position. But let them stop these payments to Judges in addition to their salaries. (Loud applause.) If this sort of thing was going to continue, they would have the independence of the Supreme Court sapped. (Applause.) He was not thinking of any one Judge in particular. It was the duty of the people to deal with the matter right away. Magistrates should also be placed in a far more independent position than they were, because now their salaries were subject to the sweet will of the Minister of the day. The magistrates should be in the same position as the Judges—their salaries should be fixed by Act of Parliament. (Applause.) Advances to Settlers. Another question asked him from the same quarter was in regard to the Advances to Settlers Department. He would tell his critic what he would do with that. He would not touch it, but would suggest this. The money deposited in the savings bank at present was being lent (or the greater part of it) by Sir Joseph Ward, Postmaster-General, to Sir Joseph Ward, Minister for Finance, at a lower rate than procurable outside. Why should it not be also available to the Advances to Settlers Office. Mr. Massey would cheapen money to the settler, but the legislation made it dearer. He would also do away with the mortgage tax, and let the tax be in income. (Applause.) Industrial Arbitration. His critic also wanted to know what he would do in regard to the Arbitration Court. It would take cleverer people than the editor of the "Times" to trip him up. Ho know there were, difficulties in connection with the arbitration sys-

tem; but they were strongly of opinion that in every industry the highest wages should be paid that were possible. The Labour Courts had been useful in providing data for the wages that should be paid. The weak point was that the system did not make provision for encouraging first-class men. A system was wanted which would give a man what he earned. (Loud applause.) He was in favour of the share system, or at least in those industries in which it would work. He wanted to see more confidence and co-operation between the employer and the employee. (Applause.) It was their duty to find out what, was wrong in the present system. He had been going into the system in Victoria the Wages Boards in the various trades, the principles of which he briefly outlined. He did not say they should do away with the Arbitration Court, but they might go into the system practiced in Victoria and see what merits it had. The two systems might be grafted together. (Applause.) He hoped the "Times" would be satisfied with his answers, and would acknowledge them. MINISTERS IN THE SOUTH. DON QUIXOTE AND SANCHO PANZA. He then went on to refer to Don Quixote (Sir James Carroll) and his Sancho Panza (Mr. Ngata) in their journey in the south, in search of political adventures. (Laughter.) He hoped the result would be as satisfactory as the journey of their prototypes. They had gone out of their way to abuse the Opposition and apologise to the people. But Sir James Carroll had not declared any policy. Mr. Massey again declared that the Minister was wrong in saying that he had called the Government political humbugs and hypocrits. He had only referred to their policy as political humbug and political hypocrisy. (Applause.) The "Black" Pamphlet. He (the Minister) also said they hit below the belt. "Think," said Mr. Massey, "of what took place last session in connection with that wretched pamphlet. It has been cleared up now by the bankruptcy of the unfortunate man responsible for it. Perhaps the Government would withdraw what was said about the Opposition last session." (Loud applause.) Mr. Massey replied further to Sir James Carroll's taunts about his 17 years in Parliament and the small number of Acts he had introduced. Mr. Massey explained the difficulties besetting the path of the private member who endeavoured to introduce local and private Bills, though as far as local Bills were concerned there had been no need for them. Ho referred to the value the Opposition had been to the country in keeping a check on the Government. Now they were trying to shift them along. (Applause.) Sir James Carroll would he, too, shove along; it would require a charge of dynamite to shift him. (Applause and laughter.) Alleged Misquotation. As to Native lands and the charges of the Native Minister that he had misquoted, he said that his (Mr. Massey's) figures were from official documents. Sir James Carroll's figures were absolutely wrong, and had he time he would show him so. Many wild statements had been made as to the Native lands becoming available, but they could not be substantiated. The Minister, for instance, had said that 130 European land-holders in New Zealand owned thirteen million acres. That was not according to the returns he (Mr. Massey) had. Sir James Carroll was either misleading the public or was ignorant. (Applause.) If it were a fact, the Government had not been doing their duty all this time, or giving effect to their enactments. The Mokau Lands. There was one particular matter he must speak of in connection with Native lands, and that was the Mokau case. He was not going to deal with it from the point of view of Mr. Jones, though he had a great deal of sympathy with that gentleman, and knew what he had suffered. The Mokau land was leased many years ago to Mr. Jones, and he mortgaged it on certain conditions, one of which was that he had to spend a certain amount of money on the development of the property, and the mortgagees foreclosed and sold the property for a nominal sum. A Royal Commission consisting of Sir Robert Stout and the Chief Judge of the Native land Court (Mr. Jackson Palmer) had since reported that (he original lease to Mr. Jones was void. The land was Native land, and the Commission recommended that part of it should be kept for the Natives, and the rest should be available for settlement. Now. the law said, that no individual should acquire more than 3000 acres of inferior

Native land or a proportionate quantity of first-class Native land. It also said that in any case where the public interest required it, the Government might, by Order-in-Council, arrange lor these areas to be exceeded; this was done in regard to Mokau. The Native owners assembled at Te Kuiti, and were offered 10s, an acre. They declined to sell, but another meeting was afterwards called, and they accepted terms only slightly better. At a meeting of the Executive, Mr James Carroll presiding, the sale of the 53,000 acres at about 10s. per acre was sanctioned. It was good land with minerals in it. What sort of a transaction was that? Within a fortnight after it was concluded, the party who thus obtained the title was able to sell the land at a great deal more than 100 per cent. profit, and now it was in the hands of a syndicate which expected to make a good deal from the settlers, who would be glad to take it up. This had ostensibly been allowed in the public interest, but he said it was necessary in the public interest that an inquiry should take place into these transactions. He now asked Sir James Carroll to say plainly from a public platform what had taken place, and if the Minister would not do so, he would ask him from his place in Parliament. (Applause.) He (Mr. Massey) was not quite sure that justice had been done to the Natives in this matter. FOR THE WORKERS. WHAT THE OPPOSITION HAS DONE. People sometimes asked what the Opposition had done for the workers. He was the first man to move what afterwards became the Advances to Workers Act. He also moved a resolution making it easier for tenants under the Workers' Dwellings Act to acquire the freehold. He and his party supported the National Provident Fund Act, and every other Bill that would make for the improvement of the conditions and the happiness of the people. (Applause.) Sir James Carroll called the Reform party the Old Tory party. Well, if Sir James Carroll was a Liberal, he would rather be a Tory than that, sort of Liberal. He remembered when that Minister was himself a supporter of what was called the Tory party, and he was not the only one who had gone over to the other side for the sake of the loaves and fishes. In a brief reference to the Public Debt Extinction Act, Mr. Massey treated it as futile, there being no way of making sure that a future Government would not collar the sinking funds. The present Government, when it introduced the measure, was collaring other sinking funds. He objected—though some of his colleagues did not share his opinion—to the Act, which made the local bodies place their sinking funds in the hands of the Public Trustee. Ministers as a Variety Company. It was natural that a miscellaneous Ministry—a freehold, leasehold, Freetrade, Protectionist, Prohibitionist, Moderate, Single Tax -Ministry—could not put forward a policy. They were an interesting company of persons. Sir Joseph Ward was supposed to attend Imperial Conferences and look after the public interests, but they knew he was really interested in bluff, battleships, and baronetcies. (Laughter and applause.) In a similar vein Mr. Massey proceeded to sketch all the other members of the Cabinet, the audience being keenly appreciative. Sir James Carroll was supposed to attend tangis and look after the Maoris, but what really interested him was Sir James' Carroll, the King's Colonial Made Gentleman. Mr. Millar attended race meetings, and was supposed to look after the lot of the workers, but it was a case of love's labour lost — or rather Labour's love lost. Mr. Buddo looked after sport, and the ducks at Temuka looked after him. Mr. Fowlds attended Church and temperance meetings, arid took care of the Single Taxers, and when there was a Liquor Hill before the House, he happened to be away in South Africa. Mr. T. Mackenzie went to agricultural shows, but the farmers thought a man was best known by the company he kept. Mr. R. M'Kenzie shone at smoke concerts, and watched the interests of the miners, but the miners knew perfectly well that they were as well able-to take care of the Hon. Roddy as the Hon. Roddy was to take care of them. They were a variety troupe, guaranteed to draw—especially salaries, titles, and allowances. (Laughter and applause.) The Railways. Mr. Massey then dealt with railway matters. He was not in favour of commissioners controlling the railways; but more businesslike management was necessary. The railway affairs had grown, and the management should keep pace with it. If the right man was not in this country, we should go abroad for him. Mr. Massey, however, wanted a Public Service Board to make appointments. He elaborated this point considerably, and was frequently applauded, especially his remarks referring to the defects of the present system of appointments to the Civil Service. The railways certainly had paid, but there had been the increase in fares— mostly second-class fares. Tho grain season also had been earlier this year. Interest on money for some of the lines had been charged to the Consolidated Fund years before the lines were completed. This was not good business. He also deprecated differential rates on the railways where there was water and traction competition, quoting instances. Mr. Massey also denounced the proposal of the Minister regarding the surplus and the increase thereby of the railway men's wages. He stated that he was not one to keep down wages; but if the men were under-paid their salaries should be increased in the proper way. They had instances of increases in the service just prior to the last session, and some of them knew how men had been turned off even before the summer holidays. History sometimes repeated itself. Let the public servants be well paid, but this proposal was a very different thing. A STIRRING CONCLUSION. EMPHATIC RESOLUTION CARRIED. In conclusion, Mr. Massey asked the electors to realise their responsibilities, in view of the coming session. "I ask you to vote for men you can trust, men you can believe, honest men, broad-minded, real, true Liberal men, and then I will be satisfied that the party I represent will come off very well indeed." When Mr. Massey sat down there was loud applause. Mr. H. F. Von Haast then moved;— "That the people of Wellington, assembled in public meeting, thank Mr. Massey for his able and instructive address and endorse the policy which he has expounded; and, further, express the opinion that the time has arrived when in the Interests of good government and wise legislation, the electors of the Dominion should take prompt steps to have the present Government removed from office'," Cheers and loud and continued applause. Mr. H.H. Seaton seconded the motion. The chairman asked for a show of hands. A forest of hands went up in the affirmative, and about twenty were shown against the motion. There were then cheers and loud applauding. and Mr Massey, acknowledging the vote of thanks, said he hoped that when next he spoke at Wellington the meeting would be of the same character. (Loud cheers.)