NOTES OF THE DAY.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1154, 15 June 1911, Page 4

NOTES OF THE DAY.

Tire decision of the ironmasters to seek the aid of the trade unions in their attempt to secure what they call better protection for the iron industry is of very great importance. What we should like to say about it first is that it illustrates the close identity of the true interests of lα.bour with tho interests of capital;

unless capital in any industry is doing well, the workers in the long run cannot do well. The surest way for the unions concerned to strengthen any demand they may wish to make I'or higher wages is to assist the employers to increase their output and their profit. We arc afraid, however, that that is the only good tiling that can he said about the very serious decision of the ironmasters. It is quite obvious, for example, tha*> the industry—the capital and the workers engaged in it—can profit only at thc_ expense of the general public. The iroiimasteis declare that ai: increased duty will not raise prices. But their whole case is a demand for the means to raise prices. At present, it appears, the already substantial duty is insufficient to prevent imported goods from being landed more cheaply than the locally manufactured'goods. It is in order to raise the price of the imported goods, so that the local article can be sold at a better profit, that the increased duty is asked for. The result will be, as the case of the ironmasters makes quite plain, that the general public will have to pay more for the goods affected. It might be argued that the shutting out of foreign goods would give such a stimulus to the local industry that prices could be reduced, but we should like to see the ironmasters establish this very difficult proposition. _ The experience of other countries tells quite a different story The suggestion of Mr. Ballinoer that the ironmasters should turn their attention to the question of extending the variety of the articles they manufacture naturally presents itself as the soundest solution of the difficulty. If the ironmasters cannot make things pay with the class of goods they are at present manufacturing, they may be able to improve their position by producing something different. In articles on May 6 ancl May 22 we discussed some curious and interesting facts that went to show that some of the worst doctrines of the New Zealand Ministry are being practised- in South Africa. On Tuesday last a cable message reported another sinister development in the administration of the new Dominion. The absence of General Botha, it appears, is causing uneasiness and apprehension among English Civil Servants in South Africa, who are afraid to take leave lest their positions should be filled in the interim. It is of significance that the London Times, commenting upon this fact, suggests that the Civil Service should be placed under "a strong independent Commission." The evil of "political" manipulation of the Civil Service in South Africa has been visible to careful observers for some time. The Hon. R. H. Brand, in a new book, "The Union of South Africa," says: The question of the public service, the maintenance of its purity and the manner of its recruitment will require to be faced by the Union Parliament almost at once. He goes on to contrast the different views that are held. "Those representing the present Progressive Partics,' he says, "will, if true to their traditions, demand the appointment of an independent Commission, .somewhat on Australian lines, to detorminj recruitment and even promotion." It will surprise nobody to hear that the party that favours the New Zealand system is the party that carries on the traditions .of. Paul Krugsk, .who is chiefly interesting to New Zealanders now for having given Sir Joskph Ward a policy in his statement in the liaad that a Government should not Rive State advertisements to a paper that opposes it. Mr. Brand says: In tlio eyes of a largo suction of the Dutch a Government is not worthy unless it can make appointments 01 its own free will and find posts for its friends and supporters. The question is of the utmost importance. The pernicious "spoils to the victors" system is ruinous to any country. It is a danger of a peculiarly insidious nature. And he goes on to enunciate a truth that no public man in Australia, England, France, or America who values the good opinion of his fellows would dream of denying—a truth, however, that our own Government denies: "A sound lav; protecting the Government from .itself will be required if the high traditions of British Civil Services throughout the world arc to be maintained." The liberty of dramatic criticism —in which the public is as much interested as the prets—was involved in an interesting case decided by the English Court of Appeal on May 2 last. A variety artist named Cowan claimed damages from the newspaper The Era for libel in saying, in criticism of one of his songs, " 'Harry Thurston' claims to be the bad boy of the family, and he might have added 'the blue one, too' "— the suggestion being that the song was indecent. In giving judgment for defendants, Lord Justice Vaughan Williams said_ that although the defence of fair comment had been established, "it by no means followed that the conclusions which they drew w : ere to be taken as facts": It was in the interests of the public that these matters should be discussed, and then wheu. there was strong opinion on two sides critics, however much they might differ, should be able successfully to defend actions for defamation brought against them on the ground that they were expressing opinions on a matter of public interest. A critic might be perfectly right in his criticism and successful in his defence, even although on a referendum—of which a good deal had been heard of late—he might be in a minority. The decision is thoroughly in accordancc with tho liberal spirit of British law. What it means is that the honest expression of critical opinion is still free from penalty, even when it is opposed to the opinions of the majority of people, or'the majority even of other critics.