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THE POLITICAL OUT= LOOK.

13 IT SATISFACTORY? THE RULE OF THE MAJORITY AND THE RIGHTS OF THE MINORITY. (By Democrat.) In discussing questions of government which so intimately affect tho people as a whole, it is scarcely wise to ignore the very ticklish problems involved in tho rule of the. majority. Theoretically, the ideal "government of the people, by the people and for the people," on the lines of majority rule, seems absolutely sound and unassailable. But, as those who have followed theso articles from the commencement will have noticed, New Zealand falls very far short of that ideal. Tho term "representative," as applied to the government of this country, is largely a misnomer, because we still tolerate the anachronism of a Nominative Chamber, wielding practically tho same powers in legislation as the Peoplo's Representatives, in what is sometimes termed "the Lower House." And its constitution is tho more mischievous in that its members are directly responsible to the Government, by which they aro appointed for a fixed term of seven years, their re-appoint-ment being made conditional on their good behaviour during their term of service. The effect of this is seen in tho records of tho Chamber, and is apparent in the speeches delivered in support of Government measures. It needs very little imagination to depict what an unenviable state of affairs would arise were a wholly corrupt Government in , office —a Government determined to maintain its control of tho public offices at all hazards. The Liberal Government, which has practically introduced the patronage- system into this country, has carried us far in that direction, and has given us, as part of our Parliamentary system, a Houso of mediocrities, that merely registers tho decisions of tho Government, In tho days when life appointments were made, members of tho Legislative Council were at least able to maintain their independence of thought and action, and the partisan spirit was less in evidence than it is to-day. But all this is, of course, besido the question at present under discussion. So far as ■ the Legislative Council is concerned, it is, however, apparent that majority rule does not prevail, and having ' reiterated that fact, that side of the subject may be left for tho present. Is Majority Rule Advisable? In asking the question, "Is majority rulo advisablo?" it may be pointed out that even tho Liberal . Governments that have for so long controlled our public affairs have found the rulo of the majority just a little, embarrassing at times. It is probably for that reason that the principle of "government by regulation" bulks so largely in tho business of administration. The evils of that system have already come under.review in a former article. It is doubtless a convenience to Ministers to be able to clothe themselves with an authority that there can be no questioning, either in Parliament or out of it, and they can advance a good many reasons why, having ' taken to themselves so many powers, they should bo in a position to add to the authority they already possess. But those powers most certainly do not mako for the public good, and, with equal certainty, it can be claimed that they aro not wielded in tho interests of'the many, but rather of the few. Autocratic powers must inevitably conflict with the free expression of the public will, and Ministers nowadays have so many reasons for wishing to increase- their hold upon the' people that it is to ho feared they do not always consider the public as they should. They argue, and with a certain amount, of plausibility, that in certain matters the few are better able to judge what is good than tho many, nnd they certainly act as if it was their province, and their province alone, to govern tho people, and to mako Parliament the mere creature of their will. Everyone remembers-tho lato Mr. Scddon's cry, "Trust tho people," but everyone does not know how jealously tho late right honourable gentleman safeguarded himself against any possible disagreements of opinion between himself and his colleagues, and between himself and "the people whom ho professed to trust. Yet it is notorious that he wielded powers that could mako or break any man who ventured to thwart him in his policy, the autocratic powers ho arrogated to himself being without precedent m a self-governing community. It is true he was regarded as a "benevolent despot," but whoever hears, of a despot being consistently "benevolent" ? Is it. moreover wise or right, on the part of a democratic community, to tolerate tho assumption of such powers by any man, however well-disposed and 'good that man may be? It is certainly against tho canonical principles of representative government that any man in the community should bo allowed to so manipulate votes and affairs as to retain indefinitely the power of riding rough shod over minorities, and of prac° tically enslaving tho majority, so that recognises no master but himself. When majorities are so enslaved that they are at the beck and call of one man, or even of any half-dozen men, it is certainly a very bad thing for the country so governed. It was only when the glamour of Mr. Scddon's personality was removed from tho political sphere that people, began to see, somewhat dimly at first, but more- clearly as the facts came out, that his actions were not always conducive to the public welfare, nor to the best interests of the country. Nothing, possibly, served to illustrate that fact better, than that melancholy session of 1000, when the greater portion of the time of Parliament was occupied in the undoing of the rHit lion, gentleman's work. Doss Absolute Majority Ruls Obtain? The Second Ballot Act. passed in 1908, was introduced by the Government with tho avowed object of giving effect to the principle, of majority rule. It provides that "no candidate at any election shall be deemed to be elected for any electoral district . . . unless he has received an absolute majority of votes," and the expression "absolute majority of votes" is defined as meaning a number of valid votes greater than onehalf of the number of all the valid votes recorded at the election, including tho easting vote of the Returning Officer, when given in accordance with Section 140 of the principal Act. Theoretically, the Second Ballot ensures absolute majority so far as the electorates are concerned ; practically, it does nothing o! the. kind, because it fails to mako provision for the unrecorded votes. At the general election of 1008, it was found necessary to take second ballots jn 23 of the electorates, :inil, as showing how far the Act fulfilled the expectations of its supporters on that occasion, it is a curiously interesting fnct that, in every instance, the successful candidate failed to secure the support of half the electors on the roll. Thus, in Gisborne, out of 8713 electors on tho roll, only 3218 voted on the second ballot for tho successful candidate. Taking the remaining electorates in which the second ballots were held, the votes recorded for the successful candidates, and the number of voters on the electoral rolls (the latter being given in parentheses) were: Waitomata. 312(5 (7728); Ohinemuri, 2SS4 (6932); Bay of Plenty, 2530 (6776); Hawke's Bay, 3199

(<B-M); Pahiatua, 202S (ollMI); Egmonl '241)8 (.-,77!)) ; Wauganui, 3CU2 (8497) • I'ulmerstou. aSI)3 (7t>HG) j Manawatu, (C23U); Wellington North, 3710 (illti'J, iip]>roximatfly); Wellington East, 3150 (S)ll7i), approximately): Wellington South, 31.14 (8303); Wellington Suburbs, 3587 (801)1); Nelson, 281)0 (7321); Hurunui, 2150 (5714); Avon, 3-12(3 (8257); Ashlmrtoii, 3014 (6S!U); Geraldine, 2311 (61)22); Timani, 3349 (796G>; Tuapeka, 2478 (5514); Chalmers, 2035 (0463); Duncdin North, 3382 (8942, approximately). Not one of tho members bitting for these constituencies can, therefore, In , said to he representing the majority of those, entitled to vote in their electorates, and, for that matter, there arc only six or seven members of the House of Representatives who can claim that the votes of more than half their constituents have been recorded on their behalf, the constituencies so honouring their members being: Eden, Tauranga, Riccarton. Christchiirch North. Dunedin "West, 'Wallace, and Awarua. These facts are interesting, as showing bow impossible it is to secure absolute k majority rule in the constituencies. And, if wo take the business a step further, it is not very - difficult to prove that, under our present administration, majority rule can never ho properly asserted, as it h almost impossible to get any welldefined expression of opinion on matters of general moment, upon which a Parliamentary poll can be taken, such as, for instance, land and taxation questions. Swamping the Country Vote. While the idea of "absolute majority" rule may be conceivably clever, it is scarcely possible of attainment unless voting is made compulsory, and there are obvious objections to coercion in all such matters. A comparatively large section of tho public do not apparently realise the importance of recording their votes, and their abstention from the polls is tho disconcerting feature in tho "absolute majority" idea. At tho general election of 1908, .although a much larger number of votes were polled than on any previous occasion (428,048 out of a possible 538,930), 20.18 per cent, of tho persons on tho rolls did not record lhair votes. In some instances it is moreover alleged .that there were names improperly on the rolls, in rospe:t of which votes were cast. But, assuming that it would bo possible to ensure every legitimate vote being polled, would absolute majority rule ensure just dealing on the part of tho State with its citizens? Liberalism, so called, has already gone far in the direction of curtailing the. rights and liberties of the minority. Would it not go farther still, witJi the extension of the idea, that it is necessary to the well-being of tho nation, that the absolute majority (which it must be remembered is also the bare majority) must rule in all matters? And here we are brought face to face with a very grave clangor. Tho one-man constituency places the minority at a very serious disadvantage. It deprives them absolutely of any possible chalice, of having their views, which in many instances are both sound and proper, adequately represented in Parliament. Added to this there is tho danger of the country vote being swamped by that of tho towns. Tho periodical readjustments of tho electoral boundaries made after each census further reduce the offieiency of the country vote, and place the representation of the constituencies largely in the hands of tho towns and cities. ,In a young country such as this, where country interests demand special care and attention, that is certainly not a good thing. If "absolute majority" rule prevails in this country it will spell spoilation and neglect of country interests under our system of representation. Ths Rights of tho Minority. A grca: deal more might be said upon tho subject, but tho main desire ol tho writer of these articles is to set men thinking, and to thus pavo tho way fov many urgently needed reforms. In ; calling attention to the dangers which are associated . with "majority rule," as it is understood in this country, the writer lays himself open to the implication that ho is urging reactionary ido.is and principles upon lh<> public. Hut majorities are rarely, if cver,l right. History supplies us' with innumerable instances, demonstrating tho fallibilitiy of tho popular vote, and tho fallacious idea that "tho voice of the people i-. the voice of God." From the time of the world's greatest tragedy and theme, down to the present, tho popular vote has been swayed by appeals to the passions and prejudices of men and women, and in some instances even by appeals to their cupidity. Although it may be rather late in the day to enter a pica for proportional representation, tho opinion is unhesitatingly advanced that no country can bo well governed where every interest is not adequately represented in the deliberations of tho governing body. If majorities had continued to rule in the Middle Ages, wln'i tho reformers began their work in tho offete and corrupt Church which ruled Europe with her "iron hand and crushed all liberty of speech, thought, and conscience with merciless severity, where would tho world have been to-day? It was the few fearless men, consumed with a zeal for the truth, rather than the many who quietly acquiesced in the spiritual and temporal rulo of the Church, who won for England, for the Netherlands, and Germany, aye and for the whole world, that liberty of conscience and freedom of speech which is so much prized today. _ Granted that the majority has tho right to enforce its opinions upon the minority, it should only do "so within reason, and it is none tho less essential that the rights of the minority should be maintained and find expression in the counsels of the nation. The writer, therefore, reiterates his conviction that no system of government that fails by proportional rcpresontatiqn or in some other way to make provision for the minority can bo regarded as just or 'good.

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Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19110506.2.4

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 11110, 6 May 1911, Page 3

Word count
Tapeke kupu
2,183

THE POLITICAL OUT= LOOK. Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 11110, 6 May 1911, Page 3

THE POLITICAL OUT= LOOK. Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 11110, 6 May 1911, Page 3

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