The Dominion. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1910. THE ELECTION AND THE EMPIRE.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 994, 8 December 1910, Page 4

The Dominion. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1910. THE ELECTION AND THE EMPIRE.

It is a very great pity that the British parties cannot dispatch their quarrels without dragging the colonies into. , the. heat and bitterness of a general election. The Fall Mall Gazette, for: example, was reported in a cable message yesterday as having agreed with a statement by a Canadian ex-judge that "if the Dominions find that the Empire is to be administered at the dictation of political passion, they will take some thought as to their own future, politically and materially." The Gazette can claim that the Radicals are debarred froni complaint against comment of this kind, since it is only following tho example- set last January by Lord Crewe when he made the outrageous suggestion that the colonies would cease to respect Great Britain if the Government were unsuccessful. We have always thought that this was an infinitely worse offence than anything, of a like kind that has ..come from the Unionist side. But two wrongs db not make a right, and it is quite improper that the Gazette should make its statement at a time when the British-voter's mind is most ready to take a permanent impression of a bad kind from any suggestion that tho colonies aro hostile to the policy which he believes in. It is no justification that the Gazette's view, although rather strongly put, is undoubtedly soundly based in fact.

For the most part the colonies arc not 'materially interested in the party quarrels of Britain. ' As spectators, of course, they are deeply interested, and the supporters of any particular policy in New Zealand must .naturally desire very keenly tho success of that policy, if it is being fought for, in Britain or anywhere else. But, generally speaking, each colony intends to settle its ovm affairs and expects Britain to settle hers. Tho leading issue in Britain at the present time, however, altliough technically an issue , of domestic politics,- is in reality one which indirectly affects the colonies also. Whatever the friends, of the Parliament Bill may say, it is a Bill to establish uni-cameral government. Under that Bill the rejection of any act of policy will not force tho Government to take the verdict of the people. The Government will simply remain in office and send tho Bill up again until it becomes law automatically, even though public opinion bo against it. Tho Lords would not only loso their power of revision, but would lose their power to refer doubtful policies to tho people. There is not a single colony in which there "is any chance of success for a party that might stand for single-ehambor government; and wliat the colonies would repudiate for themselves they cannot wish for Great Britain. In New Zealand we have for some time had what is virtually single-chamber government, since the Legislative Council is practically nothing but a,body for registering the'decrees of tho House. Yet even here no Government could hope to abolish the Council, since the country knows that a Second Chamber is necessary, and that in duo course the Legislative Council will once again become independent and discharge its . functions properly. But the interest of the colonies in the constitutional strugglo in Great Britain is derived from much more serious considerations than the mere wisdom or unwisdom of single-, chamber government so far as Britain' herself is concorned.

Tho evils of an all-powerful and unchecked House of Commons will affect,' not only the fortunes of Britain, but the fortunes of tho colonies and the policies of the other nations. In another connection we wrote lately of tho incalculable influence for good that has been exercised by "the British oxample"—an influence that will never bo properly estimated until it ceases to exist. And it is nothing new with us to urgo that if Britain takes a political step of the first importance that is bad in itself the evil will bo communicated to the colonies. More important, however, is the consideration that the character of British statesmanship depends upon the circumstances of Britain's government; and upon the integrity of British statesmanship depends the safety-of Britain, and therefore of the Empire. The Government is fighting its battle, not by appealing to reason, but very largely by appealing to passions and piejudices which it -was once the business of authentic Liberalism either to suppress or to allay. No colonial who realises the dependence of lyh colony upon'the continuance, of sincerity and'honesty in the way in which Britain settles her problems can view without concern the developments of the past year. What kind of future could there be for an Empire whose supreme Government took its character and its direction from Limehouso speeches and Limehouse audiences? Should it be shown —and for ourselves we cannot think this will come to pass—that Jacobinism could succeed in Britain, it would assuredly bo tirao for the colonies' to givo up their dreams of a great and long-enduring Empire, and to prepare, with whatever cheerfulness they could muster, for a new and difficult future 'in a changed world.