The DOMINION. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1910. PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY.

Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 990, 3 December 1910, Page 4

The DOMINION. SATURDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1910. PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY.

One of the most striking and significant facts which the study of political history, ancient and modern, discloses is the great difficulty which real democratic government has_ experienced in maintaining its position. Of course we have democratic rule in name in all Englishspeaking communities, but as a mattfii of actual fact the real power tends to gravitate into-the hands' of a few governing families or sections —a caucus, a political clique which has captured the party machine, or a Cabinet, which, if allowed to hold office for any length of time, governs more and - more .without reference to the people whom, they are supposed to represent/' True democratic rule can only .be secured and maintained by noflstant vigilance and an unshakable determination not to surrender on any pretext, however plausible, any of the rights and privileges which have been so dearly bought by our forefathers. Only tho other day Mr. Asquith clcclarccl that one of the great qucstions' which the British electors had to face was whether the people, through their freely-chosen representatives, woro to control finanoe, administration, and law-making. Prom Me. Asquith's point of view the House of Lords is the encroaching power, _ but in New Zealand it is tho Cabinet that, threatens to usurp. the authority of the people. The debates which have taken place in our Parliament during the present session regarding Departmental troubles show how strongly the Ministry resents tho interference of members in matters of administration, and as regards law-making the representatives of the people—or at any rate a servile majority of them —have been compelled over and over again to reverse their deliberatelyexpressed decisions at the dictation of the Cabinet. But perhaps the greatest safeguard of the liberties of the people .is the power of the purse—that is to say, that the . democracy which has to provide tho money to carry on the. government of the country should have the right to say how that money shall be raised and how it shall bo spent. In view of these facts it is truly- amazing that in a country like New Zealand, which boasts of being one of the most democratic in tho world, tho Prime Minister should openly resent being asked for particulars regarding the Taxing Department's troubles, the raising of a loan, and other financial information, as though these matters were the business of no one but himself; and' it is still more amazing that the ■portion of the House of Representatives that calls itself "Liberal, or Radical, should deliberately support their leader in such an attitude. They have even gone so far as to declare by their 'votes that it is not necessary that particulars of the terms on which loans are floated should bo laid before Parliament within one year, oi\ even two years, of the time of floating. If the representatives of the people are prepared deliberately' to place on record the fact that they have practically . no control in such matters, believers in true democratic government may well bo filled with anxiety for the future.

Unless the people themselves take a serious, intelligent, and elevated view of political life, tho old maxim of government of the people, by the people, and for the people must eventually become a delusion and a snare, and nothing but a name. In ancicnt Athens the democracy gradually handed over its powers to the demagogues, and Amstophanes pictures tho people as resembling an old man. who has lost his wits: "You are foolishly credulous, you let flatterers and intriguers pull you around by the nose, and you are enraptured when they harangue you." And the chorus, addressing a charlatan, says to him: "You are _ rude, vicious; you havo a strong voice, an impudent eloquence, and violent gestures; believe me, you have all that is necessary to govern Athens." In Rome tho Republic had to give place to tho Empire. Dr. Seignobos tells us that a "miserable and lazy populace filled the forum on election days, and made the laws and the magistrates. Tho candidates sought to win its favours by giving shows and public feasts, and by dispensing provisions. They even bought votes. This sale took plaoe on a large scale and in broad- day; money was given to distributors who divided it among the voters"; and a proposal to prohibit- tho sale of suffraJJcß excited a-riot.. .Under such

conditions . tho . Republic was not worth preserving; civil wars resulted; and the Empire was set up, though in name the Republic continued for more than three centuries after the commencement of the new regime. As a matter of fact, tho position of the Caesars was in many respects very _ similar to that which tho Cabinet in some very modern and so-called democratic countries threatens to occupy. In theory tho Emperor did not govern by any divine right, but as the representative of tho people. He was only the life-lorig magistrate of the Republic; in him the Roman people was incarnate, and because of this fact he was absolute. Ho presided over the Senate'; he levied and commanded the armies; he drew up the lists of senators, knights, and people-, ho levied taxes; he was supreme judgo; he was pontifex maximus; he had tho power of the tribunes; and his authority was granted for life instead of for one year, as with the old magistrates. The Senate continued in existence as a venerable institution, and it was still regarded as a high honour to be a senator; but it was no longer tho master of the Government. Tho Emperor often pretended to consult it, but he was not bound by its advice. It is quite conceivable that in a modern democracy a powerful and united Cabinet, having control of public expenditure, public patronage, and the party machine, might secure and maintain autocratic. power very .nuch like that of the Caesars under' the shadow of representative institutions and the pretence of popular government. Indeed, what-else have we in' New Zealand at the present time!

The political responsibility which popular government, when taken seriously and in a high public spirit, throws upon the individual citizen tends to produce tho finest type of national character, and tho superiority of democracy . over autocracy is equivalent to the superiority of the freeman over the slave. It would be an- utterly mistaken reading of history to conclude that because democracy was unable to maintain its position in Greece and Rome, therefore disaster necessarily awaits government by the people in its modern form. There are many tendencies at the present time that may well cause uneasiness to patriotic citizens; but the future is in our own hands. If citizens are really in earnest they can remedy-most of our .national evils, and hold in check tho corrupting influences which, mar our political life. One of the firststeps essential to this end is to raise the standard of'our public life; to elevate Parliament in the eyes of the people by sending thore'as representatives of the nation men of high principle; men who' recognise that their first duty is to the country, not to their party loaders; men of independence of thought and action; men who appreciate that the Ministry of tho day are their servants and the servants of the people, and not masters entitled to force their will on Parliament and the nation. History tolls us of tho causes which have led to the fall of democracies in the past, and it is the duty vof - every true citizen to be alert, resolute, and vigilant in his determination to see that history does not repeat itself in our case.