INDUSTRIAL OUTLOOK.

Dominion, Volume 3, Issue 841, 13 June 1910, Page 5

INDUSTRIAL OUTLOOK.

—) THE LAW AND THE MORAL CODE. COST OF LIVING AND RATE OF PAY. The Bishop of Newcastle, in his addross to tho Synod of the Newcastle Diocese recently, spoke at somo length on tho industrial outlook in Australia as affected by .socialistic legislation. "By means of the Federal Arbitration Court," remarked the Bishop, "all Australia is being practically unified, and it is not too much to say that the whole conditions under which business is being done to-day are entirely changed from thoso which prevailed twenty-five years ago. One does not look to the 'Government Gazette' for humorous reading, but I confess to considerable amusement in reading in those staid pages an award which even condescends to specify the maximum amount which a man may pay for board and lodging if ho lives 'with his employer. I looked to. see if at tho same time there was furnished a menu of the meals which fhe employer was expected to furnish at the price. (Laughter.) The concluding part of it stated that if employees were not members of a union, they must join within a certain time. It is a 'curious illustration of the confusion of thought existing at present that the authors of this measure are accused of being hostile to unionism—on the face of it, it would appear that they were putting the whole force of law in tho direction of the support of unionism. It is another illustration of the same confusion that tho politician who speaks with pride of the success of this measure never loses a chance of girding at Socialism, while some of those who opposed it did so because they wero Socialists.'Whatever may not bo clear, one thing is certain, that legislation of this kind is socialistic. it throws the doctrine of laissox fairo to tho winds., It implies that the wish of tho individual is to be directly subordinated to the wish of the community. And it imposes direct and heavy penalties on the individual who wishes to manage 'his own business in his own wav.' "

Bishop Stretch went on'to say that some eight or nine years ago, in , a lecture, lie tried to show that the ideal state of things for a free democracy was when every man so exercised his freedom as not to infringe on the frao right:* of any other. That was, of course, a purely ideal conception, and practically the will of the majority must he supreme. This necessitated regulative, legislation. The trouble ol all regulative legislation was that it appeared coercive to the man who did not agree with it. It was not therefore to bo wondered at that the first application of such regulation should cause soreness. A great distinction should, ho thought, be drawn between ordinary cases of breaking laws based on the moral cwfc uud impatience under 'egulations which for the first time were expressing the socialistic determination of modern Governments to order the course of trade. It would pinch them all in turn. Some cf them might doubt whether in thi! long run it might not fail, as every experiment in past history to regulate prices had failed'. It was worth noticing that the plea for increased remuneration was based on tin. increased cost of living. But inasmuch as labour was the largest factor in most productions the increased remuneration was bound to result in higher cost of commodities. It became, therefore, a very nice question of adjustment to ensure that Iho cost of living did not rise faster than the rate of pay. It called for a very delicato experiment,, and as the circumstances were all new, they should not be too positive.

"We must," ho said, "as members of a democracy, and we are whether we Irko It or not, give it fair play all round. It is a'tremendous experiment. If it succeeds, good. If it fails, we shall have to seek something hetter, for I do not think wo shall over, be content to go back to the 'do-nothing' drift of the Manchester school, with its adoration of cheapness. It seems "to mo there are some real grounds for hopefulness. One is the general readiness witli which the much-abused employer has fallen in with the system, and his determination to make the best ot it. It is not as simple as it looks, for the employer lias his difficulties, and you cannot get more than 20s. out of a pound, even by Federal legislation. But they are willing to do their best." "Legislation of this kind seams also to put trades unionism on its honour. And 1 believe in putting men on their honour. If unionism is then publicly recognised, it should continue its evolution in the direction of positive progress. If the law declares that the unions can claim as a right certain wages and hours of labour, should it Mot. bo a matter of honour for the unions to see that tiie labour given in return bo of the best, uhe spare time well employed, the employer helped by cheerful co-operation? Law is a beautiful study, a glorious and not unprofitable- profession, but it is slow, a.wkward, and being truly represented as blind, sometimes hits in a very indiscriminate way. The interests c-f employer and employee should be identical, and knowledge of each other's circumstances, arid mutual forbearance, should avoid tho law's penalties altogether. The plain man, reading evidence in a Wages Court, and iiotickg the great ability shown there, comes to the conclusion: that tho same ability in a round-table conference would arrive at conclusions quite as valuable in onotonth of tho time. No wonder tho learned and most patient judge now sitting'in this oity began to be hopeful .when conciliation was proposed." "Personally I believe the Socialist State is about ;as likely to come as theUtopian State; no one would really endure it. But tho tendency to Socialistic interference is here, and its effects are loudly praised by those even who inveigh against Socialism. More and more experimental legislation is almost certain to come, and there will be moro call for self-sacrifice, for brotherhood, and for co-operation than ever." (Loud applause.)