The Dominion. THURSDAY, JUNE 9, 1910. BRITISH POLITICS.

Dominion, Volume 3, Issue 838, 9 June 1910, Page 4

The Dominion. THURSDAY, JUNE 9, 1910. BRITISH POLITICS.

After a not unwelcome interval of silence, if not of peace, the British political crisis is again occupying a prominent place in our cable news, and it re-appears, fitly enough, in an atmosphere of which the spirit of 'compromise is a sensible ingredient. The position, of course, is no way changed by the death of King Edward, although it is possible that the "sober rellcction" which was promoted by that accident to the nation may show itself in a lowering of the temperature of, the controversy. Yesterday's news consisted of extracts from the articles in the principal London newspapers, and these were reasonably representative. They arc notable for their evidence that the political "retreat" of the past month has had a rather depressing effect upon the Ministerialists equal and opposite to the strengthening of the Oppositioii'6

courage. The Daily Telegraph and the Observer are emboldened by their reading of the political barometer to declare that the Government "must initiate" negotiations for a compromise, and this suspicion of uneasiness in the Liberal camp seems to be confirmed by the chastened attitude of the Radical Daily News, which, up to the death of King Edward, had been almost hysterically violent and confident in its advocacy of the policy of "no quarter." The :Vei<>s declares, of course, that "the Ministerial majority is still a majority of concentration against the House of Lords," but it admits that "the idea of a round-table conference gains increasing support among the Liberals" and that "the Government may -bo prepared to invite the Unionists to a frank discussion of the whole situation." This is a very significant abandonment of the old attitude of ruthless ultimatum to the Unionists of absolute surrender or instant death, and the significance is not lessened by the subsequent assurance that "the Cabinet is approaching the question [of the Upper House] in a united spirit." That the News and the Chronicle should consider it necessary to proclaim the determination of the Government is in itself almost a confession of weakness. Do these journals feel that that determination cannot now be taken for granted 1 The only, possible compromise is that which is suggested by the Standard, namely, that the Unionists "might conceivably agree to withdraw money Bills from the Lords' jurisdiction, under an unassailable guarantee against such measures going beyond the finances of the current year," but that, from tho Liberal point of view, would only be a compromise of the kind arranged by the husband and wife who disputed whether they should take a flat or a house, and who "compromised on a flat." It- will be very surprising if the course of events does not proceed as if King Edward wore still with us. Tho Lords will certainly reject the "veto" resolutions or any Bill framed upon them, and the Government will then ask the King either to create Peers or to grant a dissolution on the understanding that he will create the necessary Peers if the present state of parties is left unchanged by an election. It is inconceivable, that tho King will create the Peers forthwith, and it is doubtful whether ho will make any promise to do so in any circumstances, for, whatever may be said, the history of modern England abounds with directions against the taking of such a revolutionary step. The great fact which cannot be denied is, as Mr. Balfour stated in his speech to the Primrose League, that a small section of the Government's following are seeking "to com pel the Government to do what no Government of this country has ever thought of doing in the whole of our long and stormy history—what no constitutional party has ever done before." In the meantime there can be little doubt that the country will at the next election be influenced by the fact that the Government has been acting under Mr. Redmond's orders, and that the true purpose of the anti-"yeto" policy is the opening of a way for Homo Rule. It is not for us to ©xprcss any opinion on the question of the government of Ireland. Butjthcre is no reason why anybody should not say that at present,the feeling'in Britain is against Home Rule as Mr. Redmond understands it.

The Government has said, of course, that there has been "no bargain" between it and Mr. Redmond, but nobody doubts that some understanding exists. A prominent member of tho official Nationalist;party said: "We intend to vote for the second reading [of tho Finance Bill] and the reason why we do so is entirely unconnected with the merits of the Bill. I frankly confess that up to a very recent date I felt convinced that we should be obliged to take the opposite course. Happily we find ourselves in a position to take the course which I have announced. The unmistakable declaration of the Prime Minister on Thursday night [April 14] has, in my opinion, completely changed the situation." The declaration referred to was that which was generally read as an announcement of the Government's surrender to Me. Redmond. Me. Redmond himself stated in his Tipperary speech that "the question at issue is the speedy abolition of the House of Lords, and this means nothing less than Home' Rule for Ireland." Tho anti-Home Rule opposition that the Government will encounter at the polls will probably be stronger than the general opposition to Single Chamber government, although this latter will be considerable. The fact that the Budget is on the Statute Book will operate against the Government in its appeal to the country, for it will not ho possible to rally to tho attack on the Lords those Liberals who were burning for the Budget. Even with the Budget as a rallymg-cry, the Government suffered a huge reduction of its majority; without that battle-cry, and with the possible destruction of the Liberal party's credit balance with tho Nationalists, the. Government may well sustain an actual dofeat. If Mr. O'Brien can capture half of Ireland, and tho 'Unionists can win only twenty ,seats, Me. Asquith will not command a majority. And he must not only command a majority, but a decisive majority, before the King is likely to grant him the machinery for suppressing the Second Chamber.